Human beings, according to Aristotle, are not the only political animals. Bees, wasps, ants and cranes are the other political species mentioned by Aristotle in the History of Animals. Politics, I, 2 confirms this point and makes the additional statement that human beings, if not the only political animals, are nevertheless more political than the other political animals. There has been a traditional scholarly agreement that the capacity for rational speech is the reason why human beings are more political. This (...) traditional view seems to have some support from the same chapter of Politics, where Aristotle addresses, right after having stated that human beings are more political, the role of language in human beings’ political life. This paper contests this traditional view about language and claims that it is the more political character of human beings which explains the political role of language and not vice versa. -/- . (shrink)

Abstract According to Aristotle, human beings are by nature political animals. It is now common knowledge that being political is not a human privilege for him: bees, wasps, ants and cranes are other political species. Although they are not the only political animals, human beings, for Aristotle, are still more political than the other political animals. The present article investigates the precise sense of this comparison; and it claims that the higher degree of human politicalness is not to be explained (...) by reference to those exclusively human features like having capacity for speech and moral perception. It is claimed that human beings are more political rather because they live in a multiplicity of communities differing in form. -/- . (shrink)

: In Parts of Animals II.10, 655b37-656a8, Aristotle tacitly identifies a group of animals which partake of “ living only”. This paper is an attempt to understand the nature of this group. It is argued that it is possible to make sense of this designation if we consider that some animals, which are solely endowed with the contact senses, do nothing more than mere immediate nutrition by their perceptive nature and have no other action. It is concluded that some of (...) Aristotle ’s merely living animals would be certain kinds of sponge, certain sea anemones and the ascidians among testacea. (shrink)

Protagoras’ Grand Speech is traditionally considered to articulate a contractualist approach to political existence and morality. There is, however, a newly emerging line of interpretation among scholars, which explores a naturalist layer in Protagoras’ ethical and political thought. This article aims to make a contribution to this new way of reading Protagoras’ speech, by discussing one of its most elaborate versions.

This paper claims that Socrates’ refutation of Gorgias in the eponymous dialogue is designed not to find out the truth about the nature of the art of rhetoric itself but to refute the master of rhetoric himself. I try to justify this claim by displaying some major contradictions between the conclusions reached at with Gorgias and those reached at with Polus. When these contradictions are taken into account, the discussion with Polus is to be seen as reflecting the genuine Socratic (...) position about rhetoric, whereas the discussion with Gorgias seems only to be devised as a dexterity in refutation. (shrink)

Observing certain affinities with Plato’s Alcibiades I , this paper argues that a distinction between care (epimeleia ) of the soul and philosophy as its art (technê ) is reflected in Aristotle’s Protrepticus . On the basis of this distinction, it claims that two notions of philosophy can be distinguished in the Protrepticus : philosophy as epistêmê and philosophy as technê . The former has the function of contemplating the truth of nature, and Aristotle praises it as the natural telos (...) of human beings; whereas philosophy as technê helps nature to accomplish the end it designed for human beings. It emerges that according to Aristotle in the Protrepticus philosophy is the art of making oneself coincide with one’s nature as a human being. (shrink)

It has often been argued, in scholarly debate, that Aristotle’s denial of citizenship to the working population of his ideal city in Book VII of the Politics constitutes a fundamental injustice. According to this view, although it is true that their way of life prevents them from living a morally virtuous life, it does not follow that the working people are naturally devoid of the human qualities required for such a life. So, rather than finding a just way to distribute (...) citizenship among the diversity a city’s population would naturally exhibit, Aristotle would commit himself to oligarchic measures in Book VII. In this article, it is argued that the main concern of Book VII is less with a just determination of the extent of citizenship than with conceiving the most efficient way for a city to be happy: this consists in establishing a community composed of individuals who lay claim to happiness in the same way and to the same degree. In other words, it consists in reducing the diversity of Book III to a certain kind of homogeneity. (shrink)

Bu yazı, Phaidon diyaloğunda Sokrates’in ruhun ölümsüzlüğünü ispatlamak için öne sürdüğü argümanlardan biri olan Karşıtların Döngüselliği argümanını değerlendirmektedir. Argümanın merkez terimleri olan “yaşıyor olma” ve “ölü olma”nın argüman boyunca aldığı ya da alabileceği çeşitli anlamlar göz önüne alınarak dört itiraz öne sürülmektedir. Bu iki terimin alabileceği farklı anlamlar, öznenin “beden” ya da “ruh” olarak alınmasına göre farklılık göstermektedir. Yazıda, bu terimlerin alabileceği anlamların hiçbirinde Karşıtların Döngüselliği argümanının başarılı sayılamayacağı yani ruhun ölümsüzlüğünü ispatlayamadığı ileri sürülmüştür. Argümandaki temel sorun, ruhun yaşıyor olması (...) ve ölü olmasının döngüselliğe izin veren bir karşıtlık oluşturacak şekilde kullanılamamasıdır. (shrink)

Upon abolition of the sultanate, proclamation of the Republic, and termination of the seemingly existing caliphate position, the 1921 Constitution was replaced with the 1924 Constitution, which would remain in full force until 1961. It is observed that as a result of all such consecutive developments, the no. 677 Law on Preclusion and Abolition of Lodges, Zawiyahs, Tomb Keepers and Some Titles, which had been presented to the assembly with a bill prepared by Refik Koraltan, a member of the (...) parliament from Konya province, along with his friends, accepted in November 30th, 1925 and published in the official gazette in December 13th, 1925, interrupted, in general, the religious Turkish music; and in particular, the music of Mevleviyeh and Bektashism cults -lodge/dervish music- during the production stages, which has been determined to be directly connected with the following problems to be dealt with, and which will constitute the focus of our study. Therefore, our "Music Policies in Turkish Single-party Era: Religious Music Example" titled study, as mentioned above, has been the subject of the research concentrated around especially the no. 677 Law came into force in December 13th, 1925, accepted with a bill, within the scope of transitions paving the way for the proclamation of the republic, and legitimacy of various revolutions implemented, and it is important that the effects of the political mobility experienced in our country between 1923 and 1950 during the single-party era on our society, and the extent of such effects on the music life, in particular Turkish religious music education, culture and art in our country can be observed and evaluated. (shrink)