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  1. Kant’s Four Political Conditions.Helga Varden - 2022 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 57 (3-4):194-207.
    In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that it answers these questions (...)
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  2. Richard Vernon, Friends, Citizens, Strangers: Essays on Where We Belong (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005). [REVIEW]Charles Blattberg - 2006 - Canadian Journal of Political Science 39:975-76.
    A review, posted 11 September 2002, of Richard Vernon's book. A previous version was published in the Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (Dec. 2006): 975–76.
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  3. "On the Noumena of History": On the Status of Nomads in Deleuze's Thought.Daniel W. Smith - manuscript
    The “Treatise on Nomadology: The War Machine" is one of the most important and innovative chapters in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's book, A Thousand Plateaus. It is a highly original text in political philosophy whose implications have yet to be fully mined—or even partially mined, for that matter. This short text analyzes the "noumenal" status that Deleuze assigns to the nomadic war machine, and analyzes the fundamental role that the nomadology plays in Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy.
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  4. The Promise and Limit of Kant’s Theory of Justice: On Race, Gender, and the Structural Domination of Laborers.Elvira Basevich - forthcoming - Kantian Review.
    This essay applies Charles W. Mills’s notion of the domination contract to develop a Kantian theory of justice. The concept of domination underlining the domination contract is best understood as structural domination, which unjustifiably authorizes institutions and labour practices to weaken vulnerable groups’ public standing as free, equal, and independent citizens. Though Kant’s theory of justice captures why structural domination of any kind contradicts the requirements of justice, it neglects to condemn exploitive gender- and race-based labour relations. Because the ideal (...)
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  5. From Congruence to Consonance: A Majoritarian Restatement of Eckstein’s Stability Theory.Walter Horn - 2022 - Romanian Review of Political Sciences and International Relations 19 (2):93-112.
    Harry Eckstein’s long-standing (but ever-changing) hypothesis that a nation’s political stability is a function of “congruence” between the “authority patterns” exhibited by the government and those displayed by nearly every sort of institution under that government’s aegis involved a highly complex politico-psychological theory. As a result, it was quite difficult either to confirm or disconfirm. While there have been a number of suggested revisions that apparently simplify his thesis, they suffer either from vagueness or a failure to take democracy to (...)
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  6. Eugene Debs and the Socialist Republic.Tom O’Shea - forthcoming - Political Theory:009059172210950.
    I reconstruct the civic republican foundations of Eugene Debs’s socialist critique of capitalism, demonstrating how he uses a neo-roman conception of freedom to condemn waged labour. Debs is also shown to build upon this neo-roman liberty in his socialist republican objections to the plutocratic capture of the law and threats of violence faced by the labour movement. This Debsian socialist republicanism can be seen to rest on an ambitious understanding of the demands of citizen sovereignty and civic solidarity. While Debs (...)
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  7. Three Models of Natural Right: Baumgarten, Achenwall and Kant.Fiorella Tomassini - forthcoming - In Courtney Fugate & John Hymers (eds.), Baumgarten and Kant on the Foundations of Practical Philosophy. Oxford University Press.
    I argue that by considering Kant’s engagement with previous theorists of natural right, we can gain a clearer understanding of how he transformed the discipline from its foundations. To do this, I focus my analysis on Kant’s (critical) reception of two models of natural right with which he was very familiar: one from Alexander Baumgarten’s Elements of First Practical Philosophy [Initia philosophiae practicae primae], the other from Gottfried Achenwall’s Natural Law [Ius naturae]. The Initia served as a basis for Kant’s (...)
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  8. Karşılaştırmalı Siyaset Teorisi.Feyzullah Yilmaz (ed.) - 2022 - İstanbul, Turkey: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları.
    Bu bölümde karşılaştırmalı siyaset teorisinin, siyaset teorisinin hem bir alt alanı, hem de bir yöntemi olarak ortaya çıkış sürecini ele alacağım. Bu bağlamda öncelikle ‘karşılaştırmalı siyaset teorisinin’ (KST) ne zaman ortaya çıktığı sorusuyla ilgileneceğim. Ardından, KST’nin neden ortaya çıktığı, ne olduğu ve nasıl yapılması gerektiği ile ilgili tartışmalara değineceğim. Bu tartışmayı, son otuz yılda literatürde öne çıkan bazı çalışmalar ve isimler ve onların tartıştığı konular, meseleler, sorular ve sorunlar üzerinden (karşılaştırmada özne/nesne ilişkisi ve güç problemi, soruların ya da sorunların evrenselliği (...)
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  9. Ever Thus: Review of Robert Zaretsky and John T. Scott THE PHILOSOPHERS’ QUARREL. [REVIEW]Paul Russell - 2010 - The Times Literary Supplement 5616:29.
    ... The Philosophers’ Quarrel is an enjoyable tour through the salons, great cities and country retreats of the Enlightenment, in the company of some of its brightest stars. Although much of the tale turns on some tedious details of the various intrigues of Hume and Rousseau, together with their friends and collaborators, Zaretsky and Scott manage to provide their account with a number of interesting and valuable insights into the character of the thinkers involved and the social and cultural life (...)
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  10. Craftsmanship, Vision, and the Other Analytic Political Philosophy.Terence Rajivan Edward -
    In this paper, I present the possibility of some other analytic political philosophy, in contrast to what is usually given this label. I do so by rejecting what I call the dualism between craftsmanship and vision.
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  11. La ontología política de Espinosa.Joseba Pascual Alba - 2017 - Scientia Helmantica. Revista Internacional de Filosofía 4 (7):141–169.
    (ESP) Éste artículo tiene como objeto hacer una re-exposición de la teoría política de Baruch Espinosa (1632-1677) a la luz de su ontología –entendida ésta como una ontología materialista. Por lo tanto, se hará una interpretación materialista de la teoría política éste filósofo, desde un acercamiento al «Materialismo Filosófico» de Gustavo Bueno –específicamente, desde su filosofía política, como «materialismo político». Para esto, exploraremos brevemente ciertas ideas de su Tratado Político –teniendo en cuenta, desde luego, la Ética y el Tratado Teológico-Político. (...)
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  12. Carl Schmitt, Sportspersonship, and the Ius Publicum Ludis.Michael Hemmingsen - 2020 - Journal of the Philosophy of Sport 49 (1):37-51.
    In this paper, I argue that sportspersonship is a means of performing fundamental sociality; it is about the conversion of a foe (inimicus) into an enemy (hostis). Drawing on Carl Schmitt’s distinction between enemy and foe – inimicus and hostis – as well as his discussion of the ius publicum Europaeum, I suggest a model of sportspersonship that sees it as expressing the competitive relations between equals that undergird the most minimal form of sociality; relations that any deeper union takes (...)
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  13. The Real Promise of Federalism: A Case Study of Arendt’s International Thought.Shinkyu Lee - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (3):539-560.
    For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt's international federalism. First, Arendt's international thoughts call for balancing two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in politics (intra-state (...)
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  14. A soberania entre a renúncia dos direitos ilimitados do contrato hobbesiano e a “alienação verdadeira” do pacto rousseauniano.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2016 - Akrópolis – Revista de Ciências Humanas da UNIPAR 24 (1):71-84.
    Detendo-se na transição do estado de natureza para a sociedade civil, o artigo contrapõe o caráter contingente e voluntário do contrato hobbesiano e a necessidade que implica o processo de constituição do social que determina o pacto rousseauniano, convergindo para a antinomia da relação envolvendo liberdade e autoridade. Essa, de acordo com a perspectiva de Hobbes demanda a renúncia dos direitos ilimitados dos sujeitos em função da soberania estatal e acarreta a instituição do soberano como representante, detentor de todo o (...)
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  15. Do direito de ser homem: da alienação da desigualdade social à autonomia da sociedade igualitária na teoria política de Jean-Jacques Rousseau.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - PRACS: Revista Eletrônica de Humanidades Do Curso de Ciências Sociais da UNIFAP 7 (2):109-133.
    Investigando a desigualdade da societé civile da sua época, Rousseau, se lhe contrapondo através do Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens, não identifica a sua emergência senão em um pacto iníquo (ilegítimo), que se impõe em função da propriedade privada e da divisão do trabalho e instaura uma organização que converge para a alienação, caracterizando-se o Contrato Social como um pacto legítimo que guarda capacidade de assegurar a constituição de uma sociedade igualitária e uma (...)
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  16. Maquiavel e Weber: a lógica do poder e a ética da ação – O “príncipe-centauro” e o “homem autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2013 - Opsis – Revista da Unidade Acadêmica Especial História E Ciências Sociais 13 (1):180-199.
    Sobrepondo-se ao ideal que se impõe à teoria política que circunscreve a sua atividade à busca do bem comum e se detém, por essa razão, na investigação dos princípios capazes de viabilizar a instauração do bom governo, a perspectiva de Maquiavel, através do fundamento da experiência e das exemplificações da historialidade, converge para a descoberta de leis que possibilitem a fundação de um Estado, a obtenção do poder e a sua conservação, a instituição da ciência empírica da política, que, caracterizada (...)
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  17. Do bem comum da visão platônico-aristotélica à lógica hobbesiana do contrato social (da ordem mecânica da matéria à ordem final da vontade).Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2014 - Revista Filosofia Capital 9 (16):58-75.
    Detendo-se na investigação dos dois grandes modelos que caracterizam o pensamento polí­tico, a saber, o modelo clássico (grego ou aristotélico) e o modelo jusnaturalista (hobbesiano), o artigo em questão, distinguindo no âmbito daquele as teorias idealistas e realistas, empreende uma abordagem que nas fronteiras deste último sublinha desde a questão que envolve "Como nasceu o Estado?", proposta pela perspectiva historicista (paradigma aristotélico), que traz como fundamento o homem como "animal polí­tico", até a leitura racionalista (parãmetro hobbesiano), que acena com o (...)
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  18. Da Vontade Geral como Poder de Fato e Poder de Direito: do exercício da soberania popular entre a unidade multíplice da sociedade (Unitas Ordinis) e a totalidade Político-Jurídica e Econômico-Social do Estado.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2020 - Cadernos de Direito 19 (36):3-25.
    Ancorada na teoria de Rousseau, uma pesquisa assinala que, consistindo na condição sine qua non para o exercício da soberania popular em uma construção que converge para as fronteiras que encerram a Constituição e o Estado, a Vontade Geral envolve uma possibili-dade de articulação da totalidade dos homens enquanto desejamos em sua concreticidade histórico-cultural e econômico-social, o que implica uma universalidade concreta, que advém do conjunto de vontades e fato econômico que caracterizam uma sociedade e dinâmica das relações intersubjetivas. Dessa (...)
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  19. Unity and Disunity in the Positive Tradition.Michael Garnett - 2022 - In John Christman (ed.), Positive Freedom: Past, Present, and Future. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 8-27.
    What is 'positive freedom'? Whereas negative freedom may be characterised as an absence of coercion or physical prevention, and republican freedom as an absence of interpersonal domination, positive freedom resists such pithy treatment. The term is widely taken to refer to a variety of seemingly distinct goods, including but not limited to actually exercisable options or capabilities, collective self-determination, psychological self-government, and self-realisation or flourishing. In this paper I aim to bring the positive conception into better focus by tracing the (...)
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  20. Foucault’s Analytics of Sovereignty.Eli B. Lichtenstein - 2021 - Critical Horizons 22 (3):287-305.
    The classical theory of sovereignty describes sovereignty as absolute and undivided yet no early modern state could claim such features. Historical record instead suggests that sovereignty was always divided and contested. In this article I argue that Foucault offers a competing account of sovereignty that underlines such features and is thus more historically apt. While commentators typically assume that Foucault’s understanding of sovereignty is borrowed from the classical theory, I demonstrate instead that he offers a sui generis interpretation, which results (...)
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  21. State Typohumanism and its Role in the Rise of Völkisch-Racism: Paideía and Humanitas at Issue in Jaeger’s and Krieck’s ‘Political Plato’.Facundo Norberto Bey - 2020 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 53 (12):1272-1282.
    The aim of this article is to provide a philosophical conceptual framework to understand the theoretical roots and political implications of the interpretations of Plato’s work in Jaeger’s Third Humanism and Krieck’s völkisch-racist pedagogy and anthropology. This article will seek to characterize, as figures of localitas, their conceptions of the individual, community, corporeality, identity, and the State that both authors developed departing from Platonic political philosophy. My main hypothesis is that Jaeger’s and Krieck’s interpretations of Platonic paideía shared several core-elements (...)
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  22. The History and Philosophy of Fanaticism.Paul Katsafanas (ed.) - forthcoming - London: Routledge.
    24 original essays on the philosophy of fanaticism. These essays explore the epistemology, moral psychology, and ethics of fanaticism. The attached file contains a brief introduction and table of contents. -/- .
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  23. Luck Egalitarianism and the History of Political Thought.Carl Knight - 2016 - In Camilla Boisen & Matthew C. Murray (eds.), Distributive Justice Debates in Political and Social Thought. Abingdon, UK: pp. 26-38.
    Luck egalitarianism is a family of egalitarian theories of distributive justice that give a special place to luck, choice, and responsibility. These theories can be understood as responding to perceived weaknesses in influential earlier theories of both the left – in particular Rawls’ liberal egalitarianism (1971) – and the right – Nozick’s libertarianism (1974) stands out here. Rawls put great emphasis on the continuity of his theory with the great social contract theories of modern political thought, particularly emphasising its Kantian (...)
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  24. Spinoza and the Freedom of Philosophizing. [REVIEW]Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - History of Political Thought.
    In this review, I outline Lærke's interpretation of Spinoza's freedom of philosophizing as a rich, positive freedom, encompassing but extending far beyond mere legal permission for free expression. Lærke's book takes on the challenge to explain how such freedom is to be brought about. I suggest that Lærke's reconstruction overlooks a central plank of Spinoza's approach: the role of good institutional design in supporting freedom. The longer version is the original author submission; the shorter version was trimmed on the journal's (...)
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  25. Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...)
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  26. Prefata.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2021 - In Murray N. Rothbard (ed.), Anatomia statului. Liberalis. pp. 7-20.
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  27. Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil.Helga Varden - forthcoming - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society.
    Abstract: Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil -/- This paper starts by sketching Kant’s four ideal legal and political conditions—'anarchy,’ ‘despotism,’ ‘republic,’ and ‘barbarism’—before showing their usefulness for analyzing different political forces that may operate in any given society. Contrary to the common tendency in political philosophy to view our societies as either in the so-called ‘state of nature’ (‘anarchy’) or in ‘civil society’ (‘republic’), I propose that we might find ourselves in societies where aspects or ‘pockets’ of (...)
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  28. «Basta! Lei ne sa più di me». Dello scrivere oscuro e la questione della disuguaglianza.Simone Ghelli - 2021 - In Ilaria Cavallin, Cristina Teresa Penna & Enrico Sinno (eds.), Narrare la tragedia. Nel centenario della nascita di Primo Levi. Florence, Metropolitan City of Florence, Italy: pp. 45-56.
    The following article aims to reconstruct the philosophical-political content of Primo Levi's 1976 essays "About Obscure Writing", focusing especially on the anthropological question of inequality.
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  29. La transformación del concepto de persona a la luz de la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt.Rafael Campos - 2020 - Valenciana 26:183-204.
    La finalidad del presente artículo es descubrir la presencia del concepto de persona en la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt. A pesar de que este concepto tuvo un amplio desarrollo metafísico en el seno del pensamiento cristiano durante la antigüedad tardía, jamás pudo desembarazarse de la impronta jurídica de sus creadores los juristas romanos. Por tal razón, sirvió como soporte conceptual para el posterior despliegue de la noción de persona jurídica, sistematizada a lo largo de la modernidad. Para (...)
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  30. Review of Duncan Bell, Reordering the World: Essays on Liberalism and Empire. [REVIEW]Duncan Ivison - 2017 - Journal of British Studies 56:892-4.
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  31. Analytische Philosophie Und Ihr Potenzial Für Radikale Politik.Danny Krämer - 2020 - In Elisa Gerbsch, Leon Junker, Friederike Nastold, Josephina Schmidt, Stefan Seefelder, Franziska Werner & Christopher Wimmer (eds.), WORK IN PROGRESS. WORK ON PROGRESS. Doktorand*innen-Jahrbuch 2020 der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung. Hamburg, Deutschland: VSA-Verlag. pp. 83-102.
    Die analytische Philosophie ist nicht dafür bekannt, dass ihre Vertreter*innen sich in ihrer Rolle als Philosoph*innen an radikaler Politik beteiligen . Progressive Politik links des Liberalismus bezieht ihr philosophisches Verständnis hauptsächlich aus der marxistischen und post-strukturalistischen Tradition. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte der analytischen Philosophie, zeige ich, warum sie bisher keine Grundlage für radikale Politik liefern konnte. Alternativ schlage ich eine Form des liberalen Naturalismus als Basis für einen kritischen, interdisziplinären Materialismus vor. Analytic philosophers are not known for (...)
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  32. Locke on Property.Helga Varden - forthcoming - In Jessica Gordon Roth & Shelley Weinberg (eds.), The Lockean Mind.
    This paper critiques Locke’s account of private property. After sketching its basic principles as well as how contemporary Lockeans have developed them, I argue that this account doesn’t and cannot work philosophically. The main problem is that the account requires the determination of objective value of resources in historical time, but this doesn’t exist. I conclude that the ultimate philosophical failure of this tremendously influential kind of account does not entail that it is valueless. Rather, the suggestion is that understanding (...)
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  33. On Law and Justice Attributed to Archytas of Tarentum.Johnson Monte & P. S. Horky - 2020 - In David Wolfsdorf (ed.), Early Greek Ethics. Oxford: pp. 455-490.
    Archytas of Tarentum, a contemporary and associate of Plato, was a famous Pythagorean, mathematician, and statesman of Tarentum. Although his works are lost and most of the fragments attributed to him were composed in later eras, they nevertheless contain valuable information about his thought. In particular, the fragments of On Law and Justice are likely based on a work by the early Peripatetic biographer Aristoxenus of Tarentum. The fragments touch on key themes of early Greek ethics, including: written and unwritten (...)
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  34. Self-Respect and Self-Segregation: A Du Boisian Challenge to Kant and Rawls.Elvira Basevich - 2022 - Social Theory & Practice 48 (3):403-27.
    In this essay I develop W.E.B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness to demonstrate the limitations of Kant’s and Rawls’s models of self-respect. I argue that neither Kant nor Rawls can explain what self-respect and resistance to oppression warrants under the conditions of violent and systematic racial exclusion. I defend Du Bois’s proposal of voluntary black self-segregation during the Jim Crow era and explain why Du Bois believes that the black American community has a moral right to assert its self-respect (...)
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  35. Building Communities of Peace: Arendtian Realism and Peacebuilding.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - Polity 58 (1):75-100.
    Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...)
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  36. La secolarizzazione moderna e «il problema Rousseau» nell’interpretazione di Augusto Del Noce, in «Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia e Scienze Umane», anno 10, n. 1-2, 2019, pp. 67-100.Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia E Scienze Umane 10 (1-2):67-100.
    The Italian philosopher Augusto Del Noce (1910-1989) gave an original interpretation of the modern secular age. In this paper, I analyze the reasons why Del Noce saw in Descartes and in Rousseau two fundamental expressions of secularization: according to the two French philosophers, the human being is characterized by an original goodness (status naturae purae). Del Noce noted that this anthropological optimism, widespread in modernity, made superfluous the Christian faith: without the presence of original sin (an evil in human nature), (...)
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  37. The Italian Enlightenment and the Rehabilitation of Moral and Political Philosophy.Sergio Cremaschi - 2020 - The European Legacy 25 (7-8):743-759.
    By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...)
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  38. Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?'. [REVIEW]Lewis D. Ross - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.
    Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?' by Charles Larmore, Princeton University Press 2020.
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  39. Extending the Limits of Nature. Political Animals, Artefacts, and Social Institutions.Juhana Toivanen - 2020 - Philosophical Readings 1 (12):35-44.
    This essay discusses how medieval authors from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries dealt with a philosophical problem that social institutions pose for the Aristotelian dichotomy between natural and artificial entities. It is argued that marriage, political community, and language provided a particular challenge for the conception that things which are designed by human beings are artefacts. Medieval philosophers based their arguments for the naturalness of social institutions on the anthropological view that human beings are political animals by nature, but this (...)
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  40. Convencionalismo e Naturalismo em Rousseau.Heitor Pagliaro - 2013 - Dissertation, Universidade Federal de Goiás
    This dissertation investigates the concept of law in Rousseau, analyzing if he defends the idea of natural law or if he is a conventionalist. Some commentators, like Robert Derathé, conceive Rousseau as a naturalist, as opposed to others, like Charles Vaughan, who think that he is a conventionalist. Here we will critically assess those positions and try to see if they exclude each other or if Rousseau can be read, somehow, as defending fundamental aspects of those two positions.
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  41. Review of 'Political Philosophy Versus History? Contextualism and Real Politics in Contemporary Political Thought.' Edited by Jonathan Floyd and Marc Stears. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2014 - Perspectives on Politics 12 (1):222-223.
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  42. Review of "Faces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in the Age of Extremes" by Aurelian Craiutu. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2019 - History of Political Thought 40 (4):719-722.
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  43. The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. [REVIEW]Warren J. von Eschenbach - 2020 - Philosophical Quarterly 70 (280):660-663.
    Book Review of The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. By Nussbaum Martha C..
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  44. JK Rowling 나보다 더 악? (개정 2019).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 지구상의 지옥에 오신 것을 환영합니다 : 아기, 기후 변화, 비트 코인, 카르텔, 중국, 민주주의, 다양성, 역학, 평등, 해커, 인권, 이슬람, 자유주의, 번영, 웹, 혼돈, 기아, 질병, 폭력, 인공 지능, 전쟁. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 275-279.
    어떻게 부자와 유명한에 다른 걸릴에 대한? 먼저 해리 포터 소설은 아이들이 세상에 대한 책임을 지기보다는 환상을 믿도록 장려하는 원시적인 미신입니다. JKR은 자신과 세계에 대한 단서가 거의없지만, 평균 미국인보다 약 200배, 평균 중국인보다 약 800배 더 파괴적입니다. 그녀는 이 쓰레기 소설과 모든 침식을 생산하기 위해 30,000 헥타르의 숲을 파괴한 책임이있습니다 (지구상의 모든 사람을 위해 바다에 적어도6 톤과 12 톤 / 년 토양이 아니며 미국인 100 톤, 그리고 Rowling의 책과 이스와그녀의 3 명의 아이들에 대해 연간 약 5000 톤). 지구는 매년 표토의 적어도 (...)
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  45. Nationhood and Constitutionalism in the Dutch Republic: An Examination of Grotius' Antiquity of the Batavian Republic.Ethan Alexander-Davey - 2017 - History of Political Thought 1 (38):64-91.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the ‘natural rights’ theory of popular sovereignty of Locke, precursors of which are found in the work of Hugo Grotius and others, obscures an important relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through an examination of the early political writings of Grotius, especially his Antiquity of the Batavian Republic, this essay shows how a national consciousness forged out of memories of native traditions of self-government, and stories of (...)
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  46. Obywatelstwo w Europie. Z dziejów idei i instytucji.Krzysztof Trzciński - 2006 - Warszawa: Scholar.
    Krzysztof Trzcinski, 'Citizenship in Europe: The History of the Idea and Institution' - this is an interdisciplinary book as the concept of citizenship is one of the key terms of the social sciences and raises questions of a legal, political, historical, philosophical, and sociological nature. The main subjects of this work are the origins and evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Western Europe. Doctrinal and institutional models of citizenship presented in this monograph are of different historical origins (...)
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  47. Kant’s Doctrine of the Highest Good: A Theologico-Political Interpretation.Étienne Brown - 2020 - Kantian Review 25 (2):193 - 217.
    Kant’s discussion of the highest good is subject to continuous disagreement between the proponents of two interpretations of this concept. According to the secular interpretation, Kant conceived of the highest good as a political ideal which can be realized through human agency alone, albeit only from the Critique of the Power of Judgement onwards. By way of contrast, proponents of the theological interpretation find Kant’s treatment of the highest good in his later works to be wholly coherent with the discussions (...)
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  48. La Rivoluzione bolscevica e la dialettica dei totalitarismi: potenzialità e limiti della «storiografia transpolitica» di Ernst Nolte, in Marco Stefano Birtolo (a cura di), Rivoluzioni, Quaderno monografico della rivista on line e cartacea «Politica.eu», 2019, pp. 92-132. La rivista è promossa dal Dipartimento di Scienze Umanistiche, Sociali e della Formazione - Università degli Studi del Molise. [ISBN 9788896394298; ISSN 2421-4302].Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Politica.Eu» 1 (Monographic Issue 2019):92-132.
    This paper analyses Ernst Nolte’s interpretation of Bolshevik revolution, and underlines the characteristics of his methodological approach to historical research. According to the German historian, the Russian revolution (1917) determined an ideological dialectics that characterized the first half of the 20th century: following the mechanism of “challenge and response” Nolte has interpreted the birth and the developments of Nazism as a response to Bolshevism, a violent and excessive response (Schreckbild). Thus, Nolte explains the historical development of the Nazi totalitarianism in (...)
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  49. Sguardi francesi sulla dialettica marxista: Merleau-Ponty, Sartre, Raymond Aron, in «Areté. International Journal of Philosophy, Human & Social Sciences», vol. 4, 2019, pp. 197-236 [ISSN: 2531-6249].Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Areté. International Journal of Philosophy, Human and Social Sciences 2:197-236.
    This paper analyses the interpretation of the Marxist dialectic proposed by three important French philosophers of the twentieth century: Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961), Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) and Raymond Aron (1905-1983). Starting from different theoretical and political points of view, they criticize the historical determinism of the Marxist dialectic and propose three different “philosophies of freedom.” In the Adventures of the Dialectic (1955), Merleau-Ponty criticizes a theory of human history based only on economic structure, and denounces the violence of the Soviet communism. (...)
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  50. Die Harmonie der Antike und der Antagonismus der Moderne.Roberta Pasquarè - 2018 - In Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy Vol. 69 Political Philosophy. Charlottesville: Philosophy Documentation Center. pp. 473-478.
    In diesem Beitrag soll systematisch untersucht werden, wie in der Moderne der Begriff der Tyrannis umgedeutet wird, und wie die moderne Auffassung der Tyrannis mit der Aufwertung des Antagonismus zusammenhängt. Von der Antike bis zum Spätmittelalter wird die tyrannische Herrschaft über die durch sie selbst herbeigeführte Auflösung des Staates definiert: Als tyrannisch gilt die Regierung, die jene in der Antike als normativ gesetzte und im Mittelalter als gottgegeben aufgefasste Harmonie des Gemeinwesens zerstört. In der Moderne gelten dagegen alle Regierungen als (...)
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