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  1. Building Communities of Peace: Arendtian Realism and Peacebuilding.Shinkyu Lee - forthcoming - Polity.
    Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...)
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  2. State Typohumanism and its Role in the Rise of Völkisch-Racism: Paideía and Humanitas at Issue in Jaeger’s and Krieck’s ‘Political Plato’.Facundo Norberto Bey - 2020 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 2020:1-11.
    The aim of this article is to provide a philosophical conceptual framework to understand the theoretical roots and political implications of the interpretations of Plato’s work in Jaeger’s Third Humanism and Krieck’s völkisch-racist pedagogy and anthropology. This article will seek to characterize, as figures of localitas, their conceptions of the individual, community, corporeality, identity, and the State that both authors developed departing from Platonic political philosophy. My main hypothesis is that Jaeger’s and Krieck’s interpretations of Platonic paideía shared several core-elements (...)
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  3. La secolarizzazione moderna e «il problema Rousseau» nell’interpretazione di Augusto Del Noce, in «Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia e Scienze Umane», anno 10, n. 1-2, 2019, pp. 67-100.Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Studium Personae. Rivista di Teologia, Filosofia E Scienze Umane 10 (1-2):67-100.
    The Italian philosopher Augusto Del Noce (1910-1989) gave an original interpretation of the modern secular age. In this paper, I analyze the reasons why Del Noce saw in Descartes and in Rousseau two fundamental expressions of secularization: according to the two French philosophers, the human being is characterized by an original goodness (status naturae purae). Del Noce noted that this anthropological optimism, widespread in modernity, made superfluous the Christian faith: without the presence of original sin (an evil in human nature), (...)
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  4. The Italian Enlightenment and the Rehabilitation of Moral and Political Philosophy.Sergio Cremaschi - 2020 - The European Legacy 25 (7-8):743-759.
    By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...)
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  5. Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?'. [REVIEW]Lewis D. Ross - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.
    Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?' by Charles Larmore, Princeton University Press 2020.
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  6. Extending the Limits of Nature. Political Animals, Artefacts, and Social Institutions.Juhana Toivanen - 2020 - Philosophical Readings 1 (12):35-44.
    This essay discusses how medieval authors from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries dealt with a philosophical problem that social institutions pose for the Aristotelian dichotomy between natural and artificial entities. It is argued that marriage, political community, and language provided a particular challenge for the conception that things which are designed by human beings are artefacts. Medieval philosophers based their arguments for the naturalness of social institutions on the anthropological view that human beings are political animals by nature, but this (...)
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  7. Convencionalismo e Naturalismo em Rousseau.Heitor Pagliaro - 2013 - Dissertation, Universidade Federal de Goiás
    This dissertation investigates the concept of law in Rousseau, analyzing if he defends the idea of natural law or if he is a conventionalist. Some commentators, like Robert Derathé, conceive Rousseau as a naturalist, as opposed to others, like Charles Vaughan, who think that he is a conventionalist. Here we will critically assess those positions and try to see if they exclude each other or if Rousseau can be read, somehow, as defending fundamental aspects of those two positions.
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  8. Review of 'Political Philosophy Versus History? Contextualism and Real Politics in Contemporary Political Thought.' Edited by Jonathan Floyd and Marc Stears. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2014 - Perspectives on Politics 12 (1):222-223.
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  9. Review of "Faces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in the Age of Extremes" by Aurelian Craiutu. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2019 - History of Political Thought 40 (4):719-722.
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  10. The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal.Warren J. von Eschenbach - 2020 - Philosophical Quarterly 70 (280):660-663.
    The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. By Nussbaum Martha C..
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  11. JK Rowling 나보다 더 악? (개정 2019).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 지구상의 지옥에 오신 것을 환영합니다 : 아기, 기후 변화, 비트 코인, 카르텔, 중국, 민주주의, 다양성, 역학, 평등, 해커, 인권, 이슬람, 자유주의, 번영, 웹, 혼돈, 기아, 질병, 폭력, 인공 지능, 전쟁. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 275-279.
    어떻게 부자와 유명한에 다른 걸릴에 대한? 먼저 해리 포터 소설은 아이들이 세상에 대한 책임을 지기보다는 환상을 믿도록 장려하는 원시적인 미신입니다. JKR은 자신과 세계에 대한 단서가 거의없지만, 평균 미국인보다 약 200배, 평균 중국인보다 약 800배 더 파괴적입니다. 그녀는 이 쓰레기 소설과 모든 침식을 생산하기 위해 30,000 헥타르의 숲을 파괴한 책임이있습니다 (지구상의 모든 사람을 위해 바다에 적어도6 톤과 12 톤 / 년 토양이 아니며 미국인 100 톤, 그리고 Rowling의 책과 이스와그녀의 3 명의 아이들에 대해 연간 약 5000 톤). 지구는 매년 표토의 적어도 (...)
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  12. Nationhood and Constitutionalism in the Dutch Republic: An Examination of Grotius' Antiquity of the Batavian Republic.Ethan Alexander-Davey - 2017 - History of Political Thought 1 (38):64-91.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the ‘natural rights’ theory of popular sovereignty of Locke, precursors of which are found in the work of Hugo Grotius and others, obscures an important relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through an examination of the early political writings of Grotius, especially his Antiquity of the Batavian Republic, this essay shows how a national consciousness forged out of memories of native traditions of self-government, and stories of (...)
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  13. Obywatelstwo w Europie. Z dziejów idei i instytucji.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2006 - Warszawa: Scholar.
    Krzysztof Trzcinski, 'Citizenship in Europe: The History of the Idea and Institution.' This is an interdisciplinary book that is mostly political, historical and juridical in character, as the concept of citizenship is one of the key terms of the social sciences, and raises questions of a legal, political, historical, philosophical and sociological nature. The main subjects of this work are the origins and evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Western Europe. Doctrinal and normative models of citizenship presented (...)
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  14. La Rivoluzione bolscevica e la dialettica dei totalitarismi: potenzialità e limiti della «storiografia transpolitica» di Ernst Nolte, in Marco Stefano Birtolo (a cura di), Rivoluzioni, Quaderno monografico della rivista on line e cartacea «Politica.eu», 2019, pp. 92-132. La rivista è promossa dal Dipartimento di Scienze Umanistiche, Sociali e della Formazione - Università degli Studi del Molise. [ISBN 9788896394298; ISSN 2421-4302].Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Politica.Eu» 1 (Monographic Issue 2019):92-132.
    This paper analyses Ernst Nolte’s interpretation of Bolshevik revolution, and underlines the characteristics of his methodological approach to historical research. According to the German historian, the Russian revolution (1917) determined an ideological dialectics that characterized the first half of the 20th century: following the mechanism of “challenge and response” Nolte has interpreted the birth and the developments of Nazism as a response to Bolshevism, a violent and excessive response (Schreckbild). Thus, Nolte explains the historical development of the Nazi totalitarianism in (...)
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  15. Sguardi francesi sulla dialettica marxista: Merleau-Ponty, Sartre, Raymond Aron, in «Areté. International Journal of Philosophy, Human & Social Sciences», vol. 4, 2019, pp. 197-236 [ISSN: 2531-6249].Tommaso Valentini - 2019 - Areté. International Journal of Philosophy, Human and Social Sciences 2:197-236.
    This paper analyses the interpretation of the Marxist dialectic proposed by three important French philosophers of the twentieth century: Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961), Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) and Raymond Aron (1905-1983). Starting from different theoretical and political points of view, they criticize the historical determinism of the Marxist dialectic and propose three different “philosophies of freedom.” In the Adventures of the Dialectic (1955), Merleau-Ponty criticizes a theory of human history based only on economic structure, and denounces the violence of the Soviet communism. (...)
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  16. The Real Promise of Federalism: A Case Study of Arendt’s International Thought.Shinkyu Lee - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488512090605.
    For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt’s international federalism. First, Arendt’s international thought calls for the balancing of two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing, and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in (...)
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  17. La estructura mística de la crítica al concepto de progreso en la filosofía de Walter Benjamin.Facundo Bey - 2019 - Revista SAAP 13 (2):421-435.
    El objetivo general de este artículo es interrogar el lugar de la crítica a la idea de progreso en la filosofía de Walter Benjamin, argumentando que las raíces de su pensamiento político podrían encontrarse en el misticismo cabalista. La intención principal es determinar, siguiendo a Benjamin, algunas de las principales características de la creencia en el progreso como problema y su relación con una determinada normatividad histórica. Este recorrido permitirá elucidar la relación que, según el autor, mantendría una comprensión procesualista (...)
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  18. La virtud de los modernos. Montesquieu y Rousseau: entre el desafío hedonista a la Antigüedad y el conflicto irreductible en torno al individuo y la ciudad.Facundo Bey - 2019 - POSTData 24 (2):433-450.
    Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el modo en que se presenta la virtud política en los principales textos de Montesquieu y su resonancia en la obra de Rousseau. La hipótesis general que se propone es que, a pesar de sus enormes divergencias, los dos elaboraron una lectura eminentemente moderna que los separa de la filosofía política clásica. Ambos habrían compartido la idea de que la virtud es una pasión ―o que es intercambiable por una pasión―, apartándose de (...)
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  19. The Political Ideal of the Enlightenment in the American Revolution. [REVIEW]Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2020 - Intellectual History 9:491-506.
    A review essay on Jonathan Israel, The Expanding Blaze: How the American Revolution Ignited the World, 1775-1848 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017) and Richard D. Brown, Self-Evident Truths: Contesting Equal Rights from the Revolution to the Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017).
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  20. Freedom, the State, and War: Hegel’s Challenge to World Peace.Shinkyu Lee - 2017 - International Politics 54 (2):203-220.
    Several conflict theorists have appropriated Hegel’s ‘struggle for recognition’ to highlight the healthy dimensions of conflict and to explore ways of reaching reconciliation through mutual recognition. In so doing, some scholars attend to the interpersonal dimension of reconciliation, while others focus on the interstate dimension of reconciliation. This paper argues that both approaches miss important Hegelian insights into the modern state. Hegel understands that freedom must be situated and bounded in order to take a concrete form. He believes that concrete (...)
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  21. The Lex of the Earth? Arendt’s Critique of Roman Law.Shinkyu Lee - forthcoming - Journal of International Political Theory:175508821989823.
    How political communities should be constituted is at the center of Hannah Arendt’s engagement with two ancient sources of law: the Greek nomos and the Roman lex. Recent scholarship suggests that Arendt treats nomos as imperative and exclusive while lex has a relationship-establishing dimension and that for an inclusive form of polity, she favors lex over nomos. This article argues, however, that Arendt’s appreciation occurs within a general context of more reservations about Rome than Roman-centric interpretations admit. Her writings show (...)
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  22. Lebendige Natur oder künstliches Werk: die Metaphern des politischen Lebens im abendländischen Denken.Roberta Pasquarè - 2009 - In Simon Springmann & Asmus Trautsch (eds.), Was ist Leben? Festgabe für Volker Gerhardt zum 65. Geburtstag. Berlin, Deutschland: pp. 225-228.
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  23. A többségi zsarnokság fogalomtörténete. [REVIEW]Szilárd János Tóth - 2019 - Elpis 2:149-152.
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  24. Analysis of Political Economy, International Political Economy, Globalization and its Importance to Public Finance.Muhammad Rashid - 2018 - Journal of Economics and Political Economy 5 (4):481-487.
    The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the discipline of political economy, international political economy and their respective historical developments. The paper will then focus on globalization and evaluate the strength and weaknesses of the policy to globalize. Further analysis will be conducted to show the importance of the topic of globalization as it relates to public finance. Rosen & Gayer (2014), Sackery, Schneider & Knoedler (2016), Marlin-Bennett (2017), Ravenhill (2008) and Weingast & Witman (2006) will (...)
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  25. What Has Athens to Do with Rome? Tocqueville and the New Republicanism.Alexander Jech - 2017 - American Political Thought 6 (4):550-573.
    The recent debate over “republican” conceptions of freedom as non-domination has re- invigorated philosophical discussions of freedom. However, “neo-Roman” republicanism, which has been characterized as republicanism that respects equality, has largely ignored the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, although he too took his task to be crafting a republicanism suited to equality. I therefore provide a philosophical treatment of the heart of Tocqueville’s republicanism, including an analysis of his conception of freedom as freedom in combined action and a philosophical reconstruction (...)
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  26. Tocqueville, Pascal, and the Transcendent Horizon.Alexander Jech - 2016 - American Political Thought 5 (1):109-131.
    Most students of Tocqueville know of his remark, “There are three men with whom I live a little every day; they are Pascal, Montesquieu, and Rousseau.” In this paper I trace out the contours of Pascal’s influence upon Tocqueville’s understanding of the human condition and our appropriate response to it. Similar temperaments lead both Tocqueville and Pascal to emphasize human limitations and contingency, as Peter Lawler rightly emphasizes. Tocqueville and Pascal both emphasize mortality, ignorance of the most important subjects, the (...)
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  27. Mill and Pettit on Freedom, Domination, and Freedom-as-Domination.Tim Beaumont - 2019 - Prolegomena: Journal of Philosophy 18 (1):27-50.
    Pettit endorses a ‘republican’ conception of social freedom of the person as consisting of a state of non-domination, and takes this to refute Mill’s ‘liberal’ claim that non-domineering but coercive interference can compromise social freedom of choice. This paper argues that Pettit’s interpretation is true to the extent that Mill believes that the legitimate, non-arbitrary and just coercion of would-be dominators, for the sake of preventing them from dominating others, can render them unfree to choose to do so without rendering (...)
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  28. Restorative Utopias: The Settlers and the Bible.Liran Shia Gordon & David Ohana - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (4):719-442.
    The attitude to the Bible is a seismograph for scrutinizing the attitude of Zionism, in general, and that of the settlers, in particular, to their ideological and political world view. To where in the Bible are the settlers returning? To the Land of Canaan, to the land of the Patriarchs, or perhaps to the Kingdom of David? And what is the meaning of this return? It is not only the land that is basic to this question, but the relationship of (...)
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  29. Un "testamento" senza eredi. Lukács e lo stalinismo.Matteo Gargani - 2016 - Critica Marxista 3:67-75.
    In margine a una raccolta di scritti di Lukács contro lo stalinismo, che prende nome da una importante intervista del 1971, inedita in italiano. Dal 1930 in poi è presente nella produzione del filosofo ungherese la lotta per la «democratizzazione». Il tema della «trasformazione del lavoro in lavoro socialista». La radicale alterità di Lukács allo stalinismo.
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  30. Teoria Democrática Contemporânea.Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva - manuscript
    A partir do século XIX, a teoria democrática foi desenvolvida com base no confronto entre duas doutrinas políticas: o liberalismo e o socialismo. O liberalismo é um projeto que defende as limitações dos poderes governamentais, buscando a proteção dos direitos econômicos, políticos, religiosos e intelectuais dos membros da sociedade. Ou seja, para os liberais o poder do Estado deve ser limitado, pois eles acreditam que a verdadeira liberdade depende da menor interferência possível do Estado e das leis nesses direitos. A (...)
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  31. Teoria Democrática Moderna.Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva - manuscript
    Em meados do século XVI, surgiu a ideia de autonomia do indivíduo, que deu origem ao individualismo e ao liberalismo político. A concepção de democracia que se desenvolveu com base nesses princípios assumiu um perfil bastante diferente daquele utilizado na Grécia antiga. Se antes a democracia estava diretamente ligada à ideia de igualdade, em sua nova versão passou a ser relacionar primordialmente com a ideia de liberdade. Em decorrência dos ideais desenvolvidos naquele momento histórico, o principal dilema político fundamentava-se na (...)
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  32. Родинно-спадкові традиції Рюриковичів: гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів, володарів Чернігово-Сіверського князівства.Viktorya Balabushka - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:46-52.
    У статті узагальнено історико-культурологічний досвід ролі і значення національної еліти князівських династій Рюриковичів, володарів Київської Русі та Чернігово-Сіверської гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів у створенні одного з найбільших у Європі державного об’єднання Київська Русь. Основою збереження своїх територіальних володінь князями були українські традиції сімейного розподілу майна. Системний розподіл престолонаслідування серед нащадків Рюриковичів відбувся після заповіту Ярослава Мудрого, тобто набув соціально-правової норми, названий «лествичним» порядком. Система передбачала успадкування майна дітьми від старшого до молодшого брата, зокрема коли старший князь чернігівський здобував Київ – до (...)
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  33. Denying Liberty in Order to Make Room for Freedom: Liberalism, Conservatism, and Kant's Political Philosophy.Vadim Chaly - 2015 - Voprosi Filosofii (The Problems of Philosophy) 9:66-78.
    The aim of this essay is to clarify the meaning and extent of Kant's liberalism by contrasting some of his key ideas to those of Burke, Hobbes, Machiavelli, Nozick, Rawls, and Schmitt. My claim is that Kant's political philosophy navigates the path between the extremes of liberalism and conservatism, just as his theoretical philosophy tries to navigate between dogmatism and skepticism, and that current liberal claim on Kant has important limitations in Kant's letter, as well as in spirit.
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  34. Spinoza, Religion and Recognition.Ericka Tucker - 2019 - In Maijastina Kahlos, Heikki J. Koskinen & Ritva Palmén (eds.), Reflections on Recognition: Contemporary and Historical Studies. New York, NY, USA: Routledge. pp. 219-231.
    In the pre-history of the concept of recognition Spinoza’s social philosophy deserves a special place. Although we rarely think of Spinoza as a social philosopher, Spinoza understood well the ways in which individual subjectivity is shaped by the social forces. I will argue that Spinoza offers a mechanism to understand the way in which recognition works, in order to untangle the web of affect, desire and ideas, which support the recognitions and misrecognitions at the foundation of social life. Spinoza sets (...)
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  35. Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth – Labor and Republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century. [REVIEW]Szilárd János Tóth - 2016 - Filozofija I Društvo 3:704-708..
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  36. Political Representation From a Pragmatist Perspective: Aesthetic Democratic Representation.Michael I. Räber - 2019 - Contemporary Pragmatism 16 (1):84-103.
    In this article I discuss the advantages of a theory of political representation for a prag- matist theory of (global) democracy. I first outline Dewey’s disregard for political rep- resentation by analyzing the political, epistemological and aesthetic underpinnings of his criticism of the Enlightenment ideal of democracy and its trust in the power of the detached gaze. I then show that a theory of political representation is not only com- patible with a pragmatist Deweyan-pragmatist perspective on democratic politics but also (...)
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  37. Reseña de "Las contradicciones culturales del capitalismo en el siglo XXI: una respuesta a Daniel Bell" de Ana Noguera y Enrique Herreras. [REVIEW]María G. Navarro - 2018 - Azafea: Revista de Filosofia (20):265-268.
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  38. Iranian Philosophy of Religion and the History of Political Thought.Ahmad R. Motameni - 2014 - Dissertation, University of California, Riverside
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  39. Democracy Beyond Disclosure: Secrecy, Transparency, and the Logic of Self-Government.Jonathan Richard Bruno - 2017 - Dissertation, Harvard University
    "Transparency" is the constant refrain of democratic politics, a promised aid to accountability and integrity in public life. Secrecy is stigmatized as a work of corruption, tolerable by a compromise of democratic principles. My dissertation challenges both ideas. It argues that secrecy and transparency are best understood as complementary, not contradictory, practices. And it develops a normative account of liberal democratic politics in which duties of transparency coexist with permissions to act behind closed doors. The project begins with some history. (...)
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  40. Le libéralisme, l’utilitarisme et l’économie politique classique dans l’interprétation d’Élie Halévy.Philippe Mongin - 1990 - la Revue du M.A.U.S.S 10:135-169.
    Élie HALÉVY (1870-1937), philosophe et historien des idées, fut professeur à l'École libre des sciences politiques, l'ancêtre de l'actuel Sciences Po. Comme son autre grand ouvrage, l'Histoire du peuple anglais au XIXe siècle, paru en six tomes de 1913 à 1932, les trois tomes de La formation du radicalisme philosophique, parus en 1901 pour les deux premiers et en 1904 pour le troisième, reflètent pour partie ses enseignements de l'Ecole libre consacrés à l'histoire britannique. Le premier tome, La jeunesse de (...)
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  41. Pessimism of the Intellect, Determination of the Will: An Interview with Kai Nielsen.David Rondel & Alex Sager - 2012 - In David Rondel & Alex Sager (eds.), Pessimism of the Intellect, Optimism of the Will: The Political Philosophy of Kai Nielsen. Calgary, AB, Canada: pp. 401-435.
    Interview with Kai Nielsen conducted by David Rondel and Alex Sager.
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  42. Rights and Reason: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Rights. [REVIEW]James Mahon - 2005 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 13:285-289.
    In this review I consider Gorman's arguments for redescrbiing the history of ethics, from Plato to Isaiah Berlin, as the history of theories of human rights, and for the conclusions that human rights are dependent, that they change over time, and that they may conflict with each other. I disagree with his interpretations of Plato, Hobbes, and Kant, as well as the idea that their moral theories can be converted into theories of human rights without loss, and I argue that (...)
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  43. World Order in the Past, Present, and Future.Leonid Grinin, Alexey Andreev & Ilya Illin - 2016 - Social EvolutionandHistory 15 (1):58-84.
    The present article analyzes the world order in the past, present and future as well as the main factors, foundations and ideas underlying the maintaining and change of the international and global order. The first two sections investigate the evolution of the world order starting from the ancient times up to the late twentieth century. The third section analyzes the origin and decline of the world order based on the American hegemony. The authors reveal the contradictions of the current unipolar (...)
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  44. The Tiger and the Dragon. Development Models and Perspectives of India and China.Leonid Grinin - 2013 - Journal of Globalization Studies 4 (1):5-31.
    In the coming decades in the process of globalization the position of the USA and Europe will weaken, while the role of developing countries will increase. The role of the two largest emerging economies – China and India – will be of special significance. What future will these fast-growing giants face? The demographers agree that pretty soon India will lead the world in population and thus surpass China, while China will encounter serious ageing population problems. But economic and political scenarios (...)
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  45. Self-Governance and Reform in Kant’s Liberal Republicanism - Ideal and Non-Ideal Theory in Kant’s Doctrine of Right.Helga Varden - 2016 - Doispontos 13 (2).
    At the heart of Kant’s legal-political philosophy lies a liberal, republican ideal of justice understood in terms of private independence (non-domination) and subjection to public laws securing freedom for all citizens as equals. Given this basic commitment of Kant’s, it is puzzling to many that he does not consider democracy a minimal condition on a legitimate state. In addition, many find Kant ideas of reform or improvement of the historical states we have inherited vague and confusing. The aim of this (...)
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  46. Spinoza's Political Treatise: A Critical Guide.Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Hasana Sharp (eds.) - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    Spinoza's Political Treatise constitutes the very last stage in the development of his thought, as he left the manuscript incomplete at the time of his death in 1677. On several crucial issues - for example, the new conception of the 'free multitude' - the work goes well beyond his Theological Political Treatise, and arguably presents ideas that were not fully developed even in his Ethics. This volume of newly commissioned essays on the Political Treatise is the first collection in English (...)
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  47. Review Article: The Modest Professor.Michael L. Frazer - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (2):218-226.
    Given the extraordinary level of his philosophical achievements, John Rawls was by all accounts a remarkably modest man. This essay will focus, not on the role that Rawls’s modesty played in the presentation of his own ideas, but on the role it plays in his interpretations of the other canonical texts under examination in his Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy. It argues that the personal virtue of humility stands in a complicated relationship with the preeminent hermeneutic virtue of (...)
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  48. Affekt und Politik. Neue Dringlichkeiten in einem alten Problemfeld.Jan Slaby - 2017 - Philosophische Rundschau 64 (2):134-162.
    Diese Sammelrezension sondiert philosophische Perspektiven auf politische Affektivität. Judith Mohrmann knüpft in Affekt und Revolution an Arendt und Kant an, um ein »theatrales« Modell der wechselseitigen Bestimmung von Affekt und Politik zu skizzieren. Martha Nussbaum ergänzt in Politische Emotionen ihren politischen Liberalismus mit einem Verständnis öffentlich inszenierter Emotionen, die zur Akzeptanz der Werte liberaldemokratischer Gemeinwesen beitragen sollen. Eine andere Richtung schlagen Brian Massumi (Politics of Affect) und John Protevi (Political Affect) ein, wenn sie im Anschluss an Spinoza und Deleuze die (...)
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  49. Gladstone, Religious Freedom and Practical Reasoning.David J. Lorenzo - 2005 - History of Political Thought 26 (1):90-119.
    W.E. Gladstone’s changing and inconsistent views on religious oaths and established churches present an intriguing puzzle. This article compares and contrasts his early and later stances on these topics with the purpose of evaluating the place of practical judgments in his arguments. This exploration reveals that the prevailing description of Gladstone’s views, which privileges the role practicality played in his later support for a more liberal set of policies governing church–state relations, does not explain the changes and inconsistencies in his (...)
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  50. Humans on Mars and Beyond.H. B. Paksoy - 2012 - Charleston: Create Space.
    The purpose of this collection is not to discuss the technologies required for the round trip. Nor is it to discuss the ‘inevitability’ of human quest to explore. Instead, the focus is on politically ‘what will happen’ when the humans reach Mars.
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