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  1. Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that these (...)
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  2. A többségi zsarnokság fogalomtörténete. [REVIEW]Szilárd János Tóth - 2019 - Elpis 2:149-152.
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  3. Analysis of Political Economy, International Political Economy, Globalization and its Importance to Public Finance.Muhammad Rashid - 2018 - Journal of Economics and Political Economy 5 (4):481-487.
    The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the discipline of political economy, international political economy and their respective historical developments. The paper will then focus on globalization and evaluate the strength and weaknesses of the policy to globalize. Further analysis will be conducted to show the importance of the topic of globalization as it relates to public finance. Rosen & Gayer (2014), Sackery, Schneider & Knoedler (2016), Marlin-Bennett (2017), Ravenhill (2008) and Weingast & Witman (2006) will (...)
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  4. What Has Athens to Do with Rome? Tocqueville and the New Republicanism.Alexander Jech - 2017 - American Political Thought 6 (4):550-573.
    The recent debate over “republican” conceptions of freedom as non-domination has re- invigorated philosophical discussions of freedom. However, “neo-Roman” republicanism, which has been characterized as republicanism that respects equality, has largely ignored the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, although he too took his task to be crafting a republicanism suited to equality. I therefore provide a philosophical treatment of the heart of Tocqueville’s republicanism, including an analysis of his conception of freedom as freedom in combined action and a philosophical reconstruction (...)
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  5. Tocqueville, Pascal, and the Transcendent Horizon.Alexander Jech - 2016 - American Political Thought 5 (1):109-131.
    Most students of Tocqueville know of his remark, “There are three men with whom I live a little every day; they are Pascal, Montesquieu, and Rousseau.” In this paper I trace out the contours of Pascal’s influence upon Tocqueville’s understanding of the human condition and our appropriate response to it. Similar temperaments lead both Tocqueville and Pascal to emphasize human limitations and contingency, as Peter Lawler rightly emphasizes. Tocqueville and Pascal both emphasize mortality, ignorance of the most important subjects, the (...)
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  6. Mill and Pettit on Freedom, Domination, and Freedom-as-Domination.Tim Beaumont - 2019 - Prolegomena: Journal of Philosophy 18 (1):27-50.
    Pettit endorses a ‘republican’ conception of social freedom of the person as consisting of a state of non-domination, and takes this to refute Mill’s ‘liberal’ claim that non-domineering but coercive interference can compromise social freedom of choice. This paper argues that Pettit’s interpretation is true to the extent that Mill believes that the legitimate, non-arbitrary and just coercion of would-be dominators, for the sake of preventing them from dominating others, can render them unfree to choose to do so without rendering (...)
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  7. Teoria Democrática Contemporânea.Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva - manuscript
    A partir do século XIX, a teoria democrática foi desenvolvida com base no confronto entre duas doutrinas políticas: o liberalismo e o socialismo. O liberalismo é um projeto que defende as limitações dos poderes governamentais, buscando a proteção dos direitos econômicos, políticos, religiosos e intelectuais dos membros da sociedade. Ou seja, para os liberais o poder do Estado deve ser limitado, pois eles acreditam que a verdadeira liberdade depende da menor interferência possível do Estado e das leis nesses direitos. A (...)
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  8. Teoria Democrática Moderna.Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva - manuscript
    Em meados do século XVI, surgiu a ideia de autonomia do indivíduo, que deu origem ao individualismo e ao liberalismo político. A concepção de democracia que se desenvolveu com base nesses princípios assumiu um perfil bastante diferente daquele utilizado na Grécia antiga. Se antes a democracia estava diretamente ligada à ideia de igualdade, em sua nova versão passou a ser relacionar primordialmente com a ideia de liberdade. Em decorrência dos ideais desenvolvidos naquele momento histórico, o principal dilema político fundamentava-se na (...)
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  9. Родинно-спадкові традиції Рюриковичів: гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів, володарів Чернігово-Сіверського князівства.Viktorya Balabushka - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:46-52.
    У статті узагальнено історико-культурологічний досвід ролі і значення національної еліти князівських династій Рюриковичів, володарів Київської Русі та Чернігово-Сіверської гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів у створенні одного з найбільших у Європі державного об’єднання Київська Русь. Основою збереження своїх територіальних володінь князями були українські традиції сімейного розподілу майна. Системний розподіл престолонаслідування серед нащадків Рюриковичів відбувся після заповіту Ярослава Мудрого, тобто набув соціально-правової норми, названий «лествичним» порядком. Система передбачала успадкування майна дітьми від старшого до молодшого брата, зокрема коли старший князь чернігівський здобував Київ – до (...)
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  10. Denying Liberty in Order to Make Room for Freedom: Liberalism, Conservatism, and Kant's Political Philosophy.Vadim Chaly - 2015 - Voprosi Filosofii (The Problems of Philosophy) 9:66-78.
    The aim of this essay is to clarify the meaning and extent of Kant's liberalism by contrasting some of his key ideas to those of Burke, Hobbes, Machiavelli, Nozick, Rawls, and Schmitt. My claim is that Kant's political philosophy navigates the path between the extremes of liberalism and conservatism, just as his theoretical philosophy tries to navigate between dogmatism and skepticism, and that current liberal claim on Kant has important limitations in Kant's letter, as well as in spirit.
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  11. Spinoza, Religion and Recognition.Ericka Tucker - 2019 - In Maijastina Kahlos, Heikki J. Koskinen & Ritva Palmén (eds.), Reflections on Recognition: Contemporary and Historical Studies. New York, NY, USA: Routledge. pp. 219-231.
    In the pre-history of the concept of recognition Spinoza’s social philosophy deserves a special place. Although we rarely think of Spinoza as a social philosopher, Spinoza understood well the ways in which individual subjectivity is shaped by the social forces. I will argue that Spinoza offers a mechanism to understand the way in which recognition works, in order to untangle the web of affect, desire and ideas, which support the recognitions and misrecognitions at the foundation of social life. Spinoza sets (...)
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  12. Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth – Labor and Republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century. [REVIEW]Szilárd János Tóth - 2016 - Filozofija I Društvo 3:704-708..
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  13. Political Representation From a Pragmatist Perspective: Aesthetic Democratic Representation.Michael I. Räber - 2019 - Contemporary Pragmatism 16 (1):84-103.
    In this article I discuss the advantages of a theory of political representation for a prag- matist theory of (global) democracy. I first outline Dewey’s disregard for political rep- resentation by analyzing the political, epistemological and aesthetic underpinnings of his criticism of the Enlightenment ideal of democracy and its trust in the power of the detached gaze. I then show that a theory of political representation is not only com- patible with a pragmatist Deweyan-pragmatist perspective on democratic politics but also (...)
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  14. Reseña de "Las contradicciones culturales del capitalismo en el siglo XXI: una respuesta a Daniel Bell" de Ana Noguera y Enrique Herreras. [REVIEW]María G. Navarro - 2018 - Azafea: Revista de Filosofia (20):265-268.
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  15. Iranian Philosophy of Religion and the History of Political Thought.Ahmad R. Motameni - 2014 - Dissertation, University of California, Riverside
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  16. Le libéralisme, l’utilitarisme et l’économie politique classique dans l’interprétation d’Élie Halévy.Philippe Mongin - 1990 - la Revue du M.A.U.S.S 10:135-169.
    Élie HALÉVY (1870-1937), philosophe et historien des idées, fut professeur à l'École libre des sciences politiques, l'ancêtre de l'actuel Sciences Po. Comme son autre grand ouvrage, l'Histoire du peuple anglais au XIXe siècle, paru en six tomes de 1913 à 1932, les trois tomes de La formation du radicalisme philosophique, parus en 1901 pour les deux premiers et en 1904 pour le troisième, reflètent pour partie ses enseignements de l'Ecole libre consacrés à l'histoire britannique. Le premier tome, La jeunesse de (...)
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  17. Pessimism of the Intellect, Determination of the Will: An Interview with Kai Nielsen.David Rondel & Alex Sager - 2012 - In David Rondel & Alex Sager (eds.), Pessimism of the Intellect, Optimism of the Will: The Political Philosophy of Kai Nielsen. Calgary, AB, Canada: pp. 401-435.
    Interview with Kai Nielsen conducted by David Rondel and Alex Sager.
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  18. Rights and Reason: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Rights. [REVIEW]James Mahon - 2005 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 13:285-289.
    In this review I consider Gorman's arguments for redescrbiing the history of ethics, from Plato to Isaiah Berlin, as the history of theories of human rights, and for the conclusions that human rights are dependent, that they change over time, and that they may conflict with each other. I disagree with his interpretations of Plato, Hobbes, and Kant, as well as the idea that their moral theories can be converted into theories of human rights without loss, and I argue that (...)
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  19. World Order in the Past, Present, and Future.Leonid Grinin, Alexey Andreev & Ilya Illin - 2016 - Social EvolutionandHistory 15 (1):58-84.
    The present article analyzes the world order in the past, present and future as well as the main factors, foundations and ideas underlying the maintaining and change of the international and global order. The first two sections investigate the evolution of the world order starting from the ancient times up to the late twentieth century. The third section analyzes the origin and decline of the world order based on the American hegemony. The authors reveal the contradictions of the current unipolar (...)
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  20. The Tiger and the Dragon. Development Models and Perspectives of India and China.Leonid Grinin - 2013 - Journal of Globalization Studies 4 (1):5-31.
    In the coming decades in the process of globalization the position of the USA and Europe will weaken, while the role of developing countries will increase. The role of the two largest emerging economies – China and India – will be of special significance. What future will these fast-growing giants face? The demographers agree that pretty soon India will lead the world in population and thus surpass China, while China will encounter serious ageing population problems. But economic and political scenarios (...)
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  21. Self-Governance and Reform in Kant’s Liberal Republicanism - Ideal and Non-Ideal Theory in Kant’s Doctrine of Right.Helga Varden - 2016 - Doispontos 13 (2).
    At the heart of Kant’s legal-political philosophy lies a liberal, republican ideal of justice understood in terms of private independence (non-domination) and subjection to public laws securing freedom for all citizens as equals. Given this basic commitment of Kant’s, it is puzzling to many that he does not consider democracy a minimal condition on a legitimate state. In addition, many find Kant ideas of reform or improvement of the historical states we have inherited vague and confusing. The aim of this (...)
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  22. Spinoza's Political Treatise: A Critical Guide.Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Hasana Sharp (eds.) - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    Spinoza's Political Treatise constitutes the very last stage in the development of his thought, as he left the manuscript incomplete at the time of his death in 1677. On several crucial issues - for example, the new conception of the 'free multitude' - the work goes well beyond his Theological Political Treatise, and arguably presents ideas that were not fully developed even in his Ethics. This volume of newly commissioned essays on the Political Treatise is the first collection in English (...)
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  23. Gladstone, Religious Freedom and Practical Reasoning.David J. Lorenzo - 2005 - History of Political Thought 26 (1):90-119.
    W.E. Gladstone’s changing and inconsistent views on religious oaths and established churches present an intriguing puzzle. This article compares and contrasts his early and later stances on these topics with the purpose of evaluating the place of practical judgments in his arguments. This exploration reveals that the prevailing description of Gladstone’s views, which privileges the role practicality played in his later support for a more liberal set of policies governing church–state relations, does not explain the changes and inconsistencies in his (...)
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  24. Humans on Mars and Beyond.H. B. Paksoy - 2012 - Charleston: Create Space.
    The purpose of this collection is not to discuss the technologies required for the round trip. Nor is it to discuss the ‘inevitability’ of human quest to explore. Instead, the focus is on politically ‘what will happen’ when the humans reach Mars.
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  25. Specters and Possession of Neoliberal Democracy: Contemporary Critical Political Philosophies and the Legacy of C.B. Macpherson.Mariusz Turowski - 2015 - In A. K. Çüçen & M. Becermen (eds.), Gelenek, Demokrasi ve Felsefe /Tradition, Democracy, and Philosophy. Uludağ Üniversitesi. pp. 318-326.
    The paper is a part of the project of retrieving C.B. Macpherson’s thesis of possessive individualism and his contribution to investigations about democratic theory and the “Western political ontology” valuable especially in today’s context of expansion, crisis and – arguably – subsequent, experienced today, revival of the project of “neoliberal democracy”. The aim of my paper is to present theory of possessive individualism as the missing center of critical theory of democracy. The task is conducted through a brief reconstruction of (...)
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  26. Property Theory in Hobbes.Benjamin B. Lopata - 1973 - Political Theory 1 (2):203-218.
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  27. Hobbes's Biblical Beasts.Patricia Springborg - 1995 - Political Theory 23 (2):353-375.
    Reformation commentators were well aware of the allegorical referents for Leviathan and Behemoth in the book of Job, representing the powerful states of Ancient Egypt and Assyria, but played them down. Hobbes did not.
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  28. Hobbes, Civil Law, Liberty and theElements of Law.Patricia Springborg - 2016 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (1):47-67.
    When he gave his first political work the title The Elements of Law Natural and Politic, Hobbes signalled an agenda to revise and incorporate continental Roman and Natural Law traditions for use in Great Britain, and from first to last he remained faithful to this agenda, which it took his entire corpus to complete. The success of his project is registered in the impact Hobbes had upon the continental legal system in turn, specific aspects of his theory, as for instance (...)
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  29. Stanisław Brzozowski - myśleć radykalnie.Krzysztof Kędziora - 2014 - Hybris. Revista de Filosofía 25:047-065.
    STANISŁAW BRZOZOWSKI – TO THINK RADICALLY Stanisław Brzozowski is one of the most radical philosophers. Radicalism of his thought involves not only the idea of fundamental social change, but also the reinterpretation of some philosophical concepts. Two main concepts are nature and history. They are reinterpreted in order to show their human origins. According to Brzozowski nature and history are human constructions, namely they are set by human praxis. Brzozowski’s understanding changed over the time. In my article I focus on (...)
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  30. Mary Astell on Marriage and Lockean Slavery.Jacqueline Broad - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (4):717–38.
    In the 1706 third edition of her Reflections upon Marriage, Mary Astell alludes to John Locke’s definition of slavery in her descriptions of marriage. She describes the state of married women as being ‘subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, Arbitrary Will of another Man’ (Locke, Two Treatises, II.22). Recent scholars maintain that Astell does not seriously regard marriage as a form of slavery in the Lockean sense. In this paper, I defend the contrary position: I argue that Astell does seriously (...)
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  31. Gerechtigkeit als Erfüllung von Freiheitsversprechen? Axel Honneths Wiederbelebung von Hegels Rechtsphilosophie.Lars Leeten - 2012 - Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie 37 (1):115-127.
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  32. A Culture of Singularities: A Review Essay of Elisabeth Weber’s Living Together: Jacques Derrida’s Communities of Violence and Peace and Mustapha Chérif’s Islam and the West: A Conversation with Jacques Derrida. [REVIEW]Bryan Lueck - 2015 - SCTIW Review 3:1-6.
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  33. Constitutional Self-Government and Nationalism: Hobbes, Locke and George Lawson.E. Alexander-Davey - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):458-484.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the peculiarly abstract theory of popular sovereignty of Locke and his twentieth-century intellectual descendants obscures a crucial relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through a Hobbesian and Filmerian critique of Locke and an examination of the political writings of George Lawson , the article shows the necessary connections between popular sovereignty, constitutionalism and a form of national consciousness that renders concrete the otherwise abstract and airy notion (...)
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  34. Rousseau and the Minimal Self: A Solution to the Problem of Amour-Propre.Michael Locke McLendon - 2014 - European Journal of Political Theory 13 (3):341-361.
    Over the past few decades, scholars have reassessed the role of amour-propre in Rousseau’s thought. While it was once believed that he had an entirely negative valuation of the emotion, it is now widely held that he finds it useful and employs it to strengthen moral attachments, conjugal love, civic virtue and moral heroism. At the same time, scholars are divided as to whether this positive amour-propre is an antidote to the negative or dangerous form. Some scholars are confident that (...)
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  35. John Locke and the Right to Bear Arms.Mark Tunick - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (1):50-69.
    Recent legal opinions and scholarly works invoke the political philosophy of John Locke, and his claim that there is a natural right of self-defense, to support the view that the 2nd Amendment’s right to bear arms is so fundamental that no state may disarm the people. I challenge this use of Locke. For Locke, we have a right of self-defense in a state of nature. But once we join society we no longer may take whatever measures that seem reasonable to (...)
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  36. Ellis (Ed), Kant's Political Theory: Interpretations and Applications. [REVIEW]Alice Pinheiro Walla - 2013 - ID: International Dialogue, A Multidisciplinary Journal of World Affairs 3.
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  37. “What a Strange Little Man”: Baltar the Tyrant?J. Robert Loftis - 2008 - In Jason T. Eberl (ed.), Battlestar Galactica and Philosophy: Knowledge Here Begins Out There. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 29--39.
    The differences in the portrayal of Baltar between the original Battlestar Galactica and the re-imagined version represent two different conceptions of evil, and can be used to illustrate ideas about the tyrant from Plato and Boethius.
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  38. Aristotle and the Problem of Needs.Patricia Springborg - 1984 - History of Political Thought 5 (3):393-424.
    "Justice according to Need" is an old socialist slogan and Marxism embraced an ancient theory of true and false needs. But Aristotle also formulated "justice according to need", although in different terms, where "need" is often translated as "demand".
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  39. The Contractual State.Patricia Springborg - 1987 - History of Political Thought 8 (3):395.
    Recent archaeological discoveries show ancient, and particularly Near Eastern society to have been supremely contractual, while Mediterranean society was historically characterized by strong family structures, challenging the 19th century evolutionary Status-to-Contract canon.
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  40. The Other Heading and Europe.Francesco Tampoia - manuscript
    In Politics of Friendship, the aporias of friendship transposed to democracy indicate that if democracy is a promise of the universal inclusiveness of each singular one counting equally, and if its fraternal or national limitation naturalizes the ineluctable decision of inclusion and exclusion, then true friendship requires dis-proportion. It demands a certain rupture in reciprocity and equality, as well as the interruption of all fusion between the you and the me. In this way democracy remains an un-fulfillable promise. In what (...)
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  41. Origins of Natural Rights Language-Texts and Contexts, 1150-1250.Brian Tierney - 1989 - History of Political Thought 10 (4):615-646.
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  42. Is Kant a Retributivist?M. Tunick - 1996 - History of Political Thought 17 (1):60-78.
    Retributivists are often thought to give 'deontological' theories of punishment, arguing that we should punish not for the beneficial consequences of doing so such as deterrence or incapacitation, but purely because justice demands it. Kant is often regarded as the paradigmatic retributivist. In some passages Kant does appear to give a deontological theory of punishment. For example, Kant insists that on an island where all the people were to leave the next day, forever dissolving and dispersing the community, the last (...)
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  43. Plato's Republic in Its Athenian Context.Debra Nails - 2012 - History of Political Thought 33 (1):1-23.
    Plato's Republic critiques Athenian democracy as practised during the Peloponnesian War years. The diseased city Socrates attempts to purge mirrors Athens in crucial particulars, and his proposals should be evaluated as counter-weights to existing institutions and practices, not as absolutes to be instantiated. Plato's assessment of the Athenian polity incorporates two strategies -- one rhetorical, the other argumentative -- both of which I address. Failure to consider Athens a catalyst for Socrates' arguments has led to the misconception that Plato was (...)
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  44. Thomas Hobbes and Cardinal Bellarmine: Leviathan and 'He Ghost of the Roman Empire'.Patricia Springborg - 1995 - History of Political Thought 16 (4):503-531.
    As a representative of the papacy Bellarmine was an extremely moderate one. In fact Sixtus V in 1590 had the first volume of his Disputations placed on the Index because it contained so cautious a theory of papal power, denying the Pope temporal hegemony. Bellarmine did not represent all that Hobbes required of him either. On the contrary, he proved the argument of those who championed the temporal powers of the Pope faulty. As a Jesuit he tended to maintain the (...)
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  45. Hegel's Justification of Hereditary Monarchy.M. Tunick - 1991 - History of Political Thought 12 (3):481.
    Hegel's Rechtsphilosophie is metaphysical, to be sure; but it is also political. To help show this I will make sense, and show the plausibility and relevance, of what appears to be one of the most metaphysical (and bizarre) claims to be found in Hegel's political philosophy: his justification of hereditary monarchy. While among Hegel scholars Hegel's theory of constitutional monarchy has been a focus of heated debate over whether Hegel is a liberal or a conservative; and has recently become a (...)
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  46. Addresses to the German Nation.Nedim Nomer - 2010 - History of Political Thought 31 (4):710-712.
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  47. Han Fei's Enlightened Ruler.Alejandro Bárcenas - 2013 - Asian Philosophy 23 (3):236-259.
    In this essay I revise, based on the notion of the ‘enlightened ruler’ or mingzhu and his critique of the literati of his time, the common belief that Han Fei was an amoralist and an advocate of tyranny. Instead, I will argue that his writings are dedicated to advising those who ought to rule in order to achieve the goal of a peaceful and stable society framed by laws in accordance with the dao.
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  48. “Spinoza’s Respublica Divina:” in Otfried Höffe (Ed.), Baruch de Spinozas Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (Berlin: Akademie Verlag (Klassiker Aulegen), Forthcoming).Yitzhak Y. Melamed - 2013 - In Otfried Höffe (ed.), Baruch de Spinozas Tractatus theologico-politicus. Akademie Verlag (Klassiker Aulegen). pp. 177-192.
    Chapters 17 and 18 of the TTP constitute a textual unit in which Spinoza submits the case of the ancient Hebrew state to close examination. This is not the work of a historian, at least not in any sense that we, twenty-first century readers, would recognize as such. Many of Spinoza’s claims in these chapters are highly speculative, and seem to be poorly backed by historical evidence. Other claims are broad-brush, ahistorical generalizations: for example, in a marginal note, Spinoza refers (...)
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  49. Radical Cartesian Politics: Van Velthuysen, De la Court, and Spinoza.Tammy Nyden - 1999 - Studia Spinozana: An International and Interdisciplinary Series 15:35-65.
    Spinoza's political writings are not merely a theoretical exercise or a philosophical conclusion of his system. They are part of a very practical political discussion in seventeenth-century Holland. Spinoza was influenced by and played a role in a political movement known as "Radical Cartesianism", which combined ideas from Descartes and Hobbes in order to argue against the reinstatement of a stadholder. This movement provided arguments for religious and philosophical freedom and against monarchy based on a fundamental drive of self-preservation and (...)
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  50. Aquinas: Moral, Political, and Legal Theory.John Finnis - 1998 - Oxford University Press.
    This launch volume in the Founders of Modern Political and Social Thought series presents a critical examination of Aquinas' thought, combining an accessible, historically-informed account of his work with an assessment of his central ideas and arguments. John Finnis presents a richly-documented critical review of Aquinas's thought on morality, politics, law, and method in social science. Unique in his coverage of Aquinas's primary and secondary texts and his own vigorous argumentation on many themes, the author focuses on the philosophy in (...)
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