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  1. Philosophizing about Theocracy.Pouya Lotfi Yazdi - manuscript
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  2. Humour as a Conduit of Political Subversion in Rome.Jan M. Van der Molen - Jun 4, 2020 - Classics, Medieval and Early Modern Studies: Tracing Humour Conference.
    The hypothesis that approaches the use of humour throughout the ages as something approximating a coping mechanism, has been subject to a long-standing discussion in what is known as humour studies. In this particular essay, by looking through the spectacles of one of the discipline’s theories, called relief theory, I will attempt to find out whether humour was used to lighten the weight of oppression in Imperial Rome, and can thus corroborate this hypothesis.
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  3. The EU's Democratic Deficit in a Realist Key: Multilateral Governance, Popular Sovereignty, and Critical Responsiveness.Jan Pieter Beetz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Transnational Legal Theory.
    This paper provides a realist analysis of the EU's legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of legitimacy, which we term critical responsiveness. For Williams, 'Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism'. Drawing on that model, we make three claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to popular sovereignty; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': a non-moralised normative account of how to shore up belief in (...)
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  4. God and Politics in Secular India.Domenic Marbaniang - forthcoming - Journal of the Contemporary Christian.
    The church is separate from the state. Thus, historically, it is seen that even though a government wasn’t secular, God was secular. He didn’t drag religion into politics, but silently did intervene to administer temporal justice and order in the world (i.e. temporal justice in relation to temporal authority). With regard to the church, it doesn’t seem that God is interested in an organized religion at all. Christianity had nothing to do with an external temple. Each Christian is the temple (...)
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  5. Building a Fair Future: Transforming Immigration Policy for Refugees and Families.Matthew J. Lister - 2024 - In Matteo Bonotti & Narelle Miragliotta (eds.), Australian Politics at a Crossroads: Prospects for Change. London: Routledge. pp. 149-16`.
    In this chapter I focus on two problems facing immigration systems around the world, and Australia in particular. The topics addressed are chosen because each one involves important fundamental rights and because significant improvement in these areas is possible even if each state acts alone, without significant coordination with others. First, I examine refugee programmes, focussing specifically on the ‘two- tier’ refugee programmes pioneered by Australia with the introduction of Temporary Protection Visas by the Howard Government in 1999. Next, I (...)
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  6. Merleau-Ponty and “Dirty Hands”: Political phronesis and virtù between Marxism and Machiavelli.Jack Reynolds - 2023 - Critical Horizons (3):231-248.
    Despite rarely explicitly thematizing the problem of dirty hands, this essay argues that Merleau-Ponty’s political work can nonetheless make some important contributions to the issue, both descriptively and normatively. Although his political writings have been neglected in recent times, his interpretations of Marxism and Machiavelli enabled him to develop an account of political phronesis and virtù that sought to retain the strengths of their respective positions without succumbing to their problems. In the process, he provides grounds for generalizing the problem (...)
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  7. Evaluating International Agreements: The Voluntarist Reply and Its Limits.Oisin Suttle - 2023 - Journal of Political Philosophy.
    How should the fact of state consent to international agreements affect their moral evaluation? Political criticism of the content of international agreements is often answered by invoking the voluntary nature of those agreements: if states did not wish to accept their terms then they were free to reject them; the fact of their having voluntarily accepted them limits the scope for subsequent criticism. This is the “Voluntarist Reply”. This paper examines the Voluntarist Reply to understand the specific moral work that (...)
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  8. Hobbes y Raz, dos modelos opuestos de autoridad. Consideraciones sobre similitudes, diferencias y (falta de) utilidad práctica.Julieta A. Rabanos - 2022 - Eunomia - Revista En Cultura De La Legalidad 23:47-64.
    El objetivo del presente trabajo es analizar dos modelos específicos de discurso sobre la autoridad: un modelo que llamaré «hobbesiano» (representado por Thomas Hobbes) y un modelo que llamaré «raziano» (representado por Joseph Raz). Por un lado, intentaré mostrar que, pese a algunas aparentes similitudes, estos dos modelos son ejemplos de visiones opuestas acerca del tipo de autoridad, y del rol y las consecuencias que se le asignan a ésta en el marco del fenómeno jurídico y social. Por el otro, (...)
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  9. Vigilantism and Political Vision.Susanna Siegel - 2022 - Washington University Review of Philosophy 2:1-42.
    Vigilantism, commonly glossed as “taking the law into one’s own hands,” has been analyzed differently in studies of comparative politics, ethnography, history, and legal theory, but has attracted little attention from philosophers. What can “taking the law into one’s hands” amount to? How does vigilantism relate to mobs, protests, and self-defense? I distinguish between several categories of vigilantism, identify the questions they are most useful for addressing, and offer an analysis on which vigilantism is a kind of political initiative done (...)
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  10. Legitimacy, Signature and Sovereignty in Derrida.Andro Kitus - 2021 - Law, Culture and the Humanities 2021.
    Legitimacy is a concept that has been largely forgotten by the deconstructive discourse on law and politics. This article seeks, on the one hand, to reassess the role of legitimacy in deconstruction and, on the other hand, to bring deconstructive thinking to bear on the concept of legitimacy. By re-reading Derrida’s “Declarations of Independence” through the lenses of his later texts on sovereignty and (counter)signature, it is argued that, rather than being deconstructible, legitimacy is deconstructing any self-founding of law and (...)
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  11. Disagreement, Unilateral Judgment, and Kant’s Argument for Rule by Law.Daniel Koltonski - 2021 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 20 (3):285-309.
    Kant argues that it is only as citizens of a properly constituted state that persons are able to respect one another’s innate right to freedom, for joint subjection to the authority of a state enables them to avoid what Kantians call “the problem of unilateralism”: when I interact with you in a state of nature according to my judgment of right in circumstances of disagreement between us, I implicitly claim that my judgment, and not yours, has authority over us simply (...)
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  12. The Automation of Authority: Discrepancies with Jus Ad Bellum Principles.Donovan Phillips - 2021 - In Lethal Autonomous Weapons: Re-Examining the Law and Ethics of Robotic Warfare. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 159-172.
    This chapter considers how the adoption of autonomous weapons systems (AWS) may affect jus ad bellum principles of warfare. In particular, it focuses on the use of AWS in non-international armed conflicts (NIAC). Given the proliferation of NIAC, the development and use of AWS will most likely be attuned to this specific theater of war. As warfare waged by modernized liberal democracies (those most likely to develop and employ AWS at present) increasingly moves toward a model of individualized warfare, how, (...)
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  13. Veřejný rozum a právo [Public Reason and Law].Pavel Dufek - 2020 - In Tomáš Sobek & Martin Hapla (eds.), Filosofie práva [Philosophy of Law]. Brno, Czechia: pp. 227–254.
    The chapter explores the ways in which philosophical thinking about public reason and public justification can shed light on some deep issues regarding the legitimacy or purpose of law, as well as shallower yet no less important questions of constitutional engineering and institutional desing.
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  14. Can Schools Teach Citizenship?Michael Merry - 2020 - Discourse 41 (1):124-138.
    In this essay I question the liberal faith in the efficacy and morality of citizenship education (CE) as it has been traditionally (and is still) practiced in most public state schools. In challenging institutionalized faith in CE, I also challenge liberal understandings of what it means to be a citizen, and how the social and political world of citizens is constituted. I interrogate CE as defended in the liberal tradition, with particular attention to Gutmann’s ‘conscious social reproduction’. I argue that (...)
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  15. Centripetal Federalism.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2020 - 50 Shades of Federalism, Ed. By S. Keil, P. Anderson. CCCU and CRÉQC.
    Centripetalism is often perceived as a type of a political system for a multi-segmental, especially multi-ethnic, country in order to create among the members of the political elite of moderate, accomodative, and integrative political behavior cross-cutting segmental divisions which, reaching beyond group interests, depoliticize the segmental separateness and, in this manner, reduce their significance. One of the central institutions of centripetalism is decentralization leading to a division of large segments into smaller parts that inhabit different, ideally multi-segmental regions, thus inclining (...)
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  16. Instrumental Authority and Its Challenges: The Case of the Laws of War.Jonathan Parry & Daniel Viehoff - 2019 - Ethics 129 (4):548-575.
    Law and Morality at War offers a broadly instrumentalist defense of the authority of the laws of war: these laws serve combatants by helping them come closer to doing what they have independent moral reason to do. We argue that this form of justification sets too low a bar. An authority’s directives are not binding, on instrumental grounds, if the subject could, within certain limits, adopt an alternative, and superior, means of conforming to morality’s demands. It emerges that Haque’s argument (...)
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  17. Letter of October 24, 1851 “Las Clases Discutidoras”.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 3 (2):96-104.
    This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...)
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  18. The Relational Conception of Practical Authority.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (5):549-575.
    I argue for a new conception of practical authority based on an analysis of the relationship between authority and subject. Commands entail a demand for practical deference, which establishes a relationship of hierarchy and vulnerability that involves a variety of signals and commitments. In order for these signals and commitments to be justified, the subject must be under a preexisting duty, the authority’s commands must take precedence over the subject’s judgment regarding fulfillment of that duty, the authority must accept the (...)
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  19. Uncivil Disobedience: Political Commitment and Violence.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (4):475-491.
    Standard accounts of civil disobedience include nonviolence as a necessary condition. Here I argue that such accounts are mistaken and that civil disobedience can include violence in many aspects, primarily excepting violence directed at other persons. I base this argument on a novel understanding of civil disobedience: the special character of the practice comes from its combination of condemnation of a political practice with an expressed commitment to the political. The commitment to the political is a commitment to engaging with (...)
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  20. Родинно-спадкові традиції Рюриковичів: гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів, володарів Чернігово-Сіверського князівства.Viktorya Balabushka - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:46-52.
    У статті узагальнено історико-культурологічний досвід ролі і значення національної еліти князівських династій Рюриковичів, володарів Київської Русі та Чернігово-Сіверської гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів у створенні одного з найбільших у Європі державного об’єднання Київська Русь. Основою збереження своїх територіальних володінь князями були українські традиції сімейного розподілу майна. Системний розподіл престолонаслідування серед нащадків Рюриковичів відбувся після заповіту Ярослава Мудрого, тобто набув соціально-правової норми, названий «лествичним» порядком. Система передбачала успадкування майна дітьми від старшого до молодшого брата, зокрема коли старший князь чернігівський здобував Київ – до (...)
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  21. Justice in the Laws, a Restatement: Why Plato Endorses Public Reason.Samuel Director - 2018 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 4 (2):184-203.
    In the Laws, Plato argues that the legislator should attempt to persuade people to voluntarily obey the laws. This persuasion is accomplished through use of legislative preludes. Preludes (also called preambles) are short arguments written into the legal code, which precede laws and give reasons to follow them. In this paper, I argue that Plato’s use of persuasive preludes shows that he endorses the core features of a public reason theory of political justification. Many philosophers argue that Plato’s political philosophy (...)
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  22. The Rationality of Voting and Duties of Elected Officials.Marcus Arvan - 2017 - In Emily Crookston, David Killoren & Jonathan Trerise (eds.), Ethics in Politics: The Rights and Obligations of Individual Political Agents. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 239-253.
    In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...)
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  23. Occam’s Razor and Non-Voluntarist Accounts of Political Authority.Luke Maring - 2017 - Dialogue 56 (1):159-173.
    Certain non-voluntarists have recently defended political authority by advancing two-part views. First, they argue that the state, or the law, is best (or uniquely) capable of accomplishing something important. Second, they defend a substantive normative principle on which being so situated is sufficient for de jure authority. This paper uses widely accepted tenets to show that all such defenses of authority fail.
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  24. A Fair Play Account of Legitimate Political Authority.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Legal Theory 23 (1):55-67.
    There is an emerging consensus among political philosophers that state legitimacy involves something more than—or perhaps other than—political obligation. Yet the principle of fair play, which many take to be a promising basis for political obligation, has been largely absent from discussions of the revised conception of legitimacy. This paper shows how the principle of fair play can generate legitimate political authority by drawing on a neglected feature of the principle—its stipulation that members of a cooperative scheme must reciprocate specifically (...)
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  25. Playing Fair and Following the Rules.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 14 (2):134-141.
    In his paper “Fairness, Political Obligation, and the Justificatory Gap” (published in the Journal of Moral Philosophy), Jiafeng Zhu argues that the principle of fair play cannot require submission to the rules of a cooperative scheme, and that when such submission is required, the requirement is grounded in consent. I propose a better argument for the claim that fair play requires submission to the rules than the one Zhu considers. I also argue that Zhu’s attribution of consent to people commonly (...)
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  26. The Transfer of Duties: From Individuals to States and Back Again.Stephanie Collins & Holly Lawford-Smith - 2016 - In Michael Brady & Miranda Fricker (eds.), The Epistemic Life of Groups. Oxford University Press. pp. 150-172.
    Individuals sometimes pass their duties on to collectives, which is one way in which collectives can come to have duties. The collective discharges its duties by acting through its members, which involves distributing duties back out to individuals. Individuals put duties in and get (transformed) duties out. In this paper we consider whether (and if so, to what extent) this general account can make sense of states' duties. Do some of the duties we typically take states to have come from (...)
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  27. The Principle of Fairness, Political Duties, and the Benefits Proviso Mistake.Daniel Koltonski - 2016 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 13 (3):265-293.
    Recent debate in the literature on political obligation about the principle of fairness rests on a mistake. Despite the widespread assumption to the contrary, a person can have a duty of fairness to share in the burdens of sustaining some cooperative scheme even though that scheme does not represent a net benefit to her. Recognizing this mistake allows for a resolution of the stalemate between those who argue that the mere receipt of some public good from a scheme can generate (...)
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  28. The Morality of State Symbolic Power.George Tsai - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (2):318-342.
    Philosophical interest in state power has tended to focus on the state’s coercive powers rather than its expressive powers. I consider an underexplored aspect of the state’s expressive capacity: its capacity to use symbols (such as monuments, memorials, and street names) to promote political ends. In particular, I argue that the liberal state’s deployment of symbols to promote its members’ commitment to liberal ideals is in need of special justification. This is because the state’s exercise of its capacity to use (...)
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  29. Public Goods and Government Action.Jonny Anomaly - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (2):109-128.
    It is widely agreed that one of the core functions of government is to supply public goods that markets either fail to provide or cannot provide efficiently. I will suggest that arguments for government provision of public goods require fundamental moral judgments in addition to the usual economic considerations about the relative efficacy of markets and governments in supplying them. While philosophers and policymakers owe a debt of gratitude to economists for developing the theory of public goods, the link between (...)
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  30. Political Anarchism and Raz’s Theory of Authority.Bruno Leipold - 2015 - Res Publica 21 (3):309-329.
    This article argues that using Joseph Raz’s service conception of authority to reject philosophical anarchism can be affected by political anarchism. Whereas philosophical anarchism only denies the authority of the state, political anarchism claims that anarchism is a better alternative to the state. Raz’s theory holds that an institution has authority if it enables people to better conform with reason. I argue that there are cases where anarchism is an existing alternative to the state and better fulfils this condition. Consequently, (...)
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  31. The Philosopher King : An Indian Point of View.Desh Raj Sirswal - 2015 - Sucharitha: A Journal of Philosophy and Religion 3 (01):12-19.
    The celebrated Greek philosopher Plato had dreamed of a philosopher-king to rule his ideal state. Keeping in socratarian tradition Aristotle said in similar way "it is better for a city to be governed by a good man than even by good laws ". According to Plato, “The philosopher is he who has in his mind the perfect pattern of justice, beauty, truth; his is the knowledge of the eternal; he contemplates all time and all existence; no praises are too high (...)
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  32. The Possibility of a Fair Play Account of Legitimacy.Justin Tosi - 2015 - Ratio 30 (1):88-99.
    The philosophical literature on state legitimacy has recently seen a significant conceptual revision. Several philosophers have argued that the state's right to rule is better characterized not as a claim right to obedience, but as a power right. There have been few attempts to show that traditional justifications for the claim right might also be used to justify a power right, and there have been no such attempts involving the principle of fair play, which is widely regarded as the most (...)
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  33. Why Hobbes Cannot Limit the Leviathan: A Critical Commentary on Larry May's Limiting Leviathan.Marcus Arvan - 2014 - Hobbes Studies 27 (2):171-177.
    This commentary contends that Larry May’s Hobbesian argument for limitations on sovereignty and lawmaking in Limiting Leviathan does not succeed. First, I show that Hobbes begins with a plausible instrumental theory of normativity. Second, I show that Hobbes then attempts, unsuccessfully—by his own lights—to defend a kind of non-instrumental, moral normativity. Thus, I contend, in order to successfully “limit the Leviathan” of the state, the Hobbesian must provide a sound instrumental argument in favor of the sovereign limiting their actions and (...)
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  34. The Servient Character of Political Power According to St. Thomas Aquinas.Pawel Tarasiewicz - 2014 - Studia Gilsoniana 3:399–413.
    The author attempts to justify the thesis of the servient character of political power. By his analyses, he arrives at two conclusions. First, the ultimate goal of service fulfilled by political power should be identical with the natural goal of every human being, meaning a life of virtue. Hence, service to the cause of the citizens’ virtue requires that the fundamental duties of power include the protection of public peace, the promotion of actions towards the common good, and striving for (...)
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  35. Maquiavel e Weber: a lógica do poder e a ética da ação – O “príncipe-centauro” e o “homem autêntico”.Luiz Carlos Mariano da Rosa - 2013 - Opsis – Revista da Unidade Acadêmica Especial História E Ciências Sociais 13 (1):180-199.
    Sobrepondo-se ao ideal que se impõe à teoria política que circunscreve a sua atividade à busca do bem comum e se detém, por essa razão, na investigação dos princípios capazes de viabilizar a instauração do bom governo, a perspectiva de Maquiavel, através do fundamento da experiência e das exemplificações da historialidade, converge para a descoberta de leis que possibilitem a fundação de um Estado, a obtenção do poder e a sua conservação, a instituição da ciência empírica da política, que, caracterizada (...)
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  36. Consensus, Compromise, Justice and Legitimacy.Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Critical Review of Social and International Political Philosophy 16 (4):557-572.
    Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us moving beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’ on the one side, ‘salus populi suprema lex’ on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone (...)
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  37. Political Naturalism and State Authority.Edward Song - 2012 - Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (1):64-77.
    For the political naturalist, skepticism about political obligations only arises because of a basic confusion about the necessity of the state for human well-being. From this perspective, human beings are naturally political animals and cannot flourish outside of political relationships. In this paper, I suggest that this idea can be developed in two basic ways. For the thick naturalist, political institutions are constitutive of the best life. For the thin naturalist, they secure the basic background conditions of peace and stability (...)
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  38. Koncepcja etnicznej izby wyższej w dwuizbowym parlamencie w państwie afrykańskim (część II).Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - Afryka 35:11-26.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘The Concept of an Ethnic Upper Chamber in a Bicameral Parliament in an African State (Part 2).’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 35, 2011, pp. 11-26 and is a continuation of the previous paper published under the same title in “Afryka” 34. Part 2 explains a couple of cases (of the Senate of Lesotho, and two Houses of Chiefs, in Botswana and Zambia) that seem useful in the analysis of the Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake’s concept (...)
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  39. Legitimacy as a Mere Moral Power? A Response to Applbaum.Jiafeng Zhu - 2012 - Diametros 33:120-137.
    In a recent article, Arthur Applbaum contributes a new view—legitimacy as a moral power—to the debate over the concept of political legitimacy. Applbaum rejects competing views of legitimacy, in particular legitimacy as a claim-right to have the law obeyed, for mistakenly invoking substantive moral argument in the conceptual analysis, and concludes that “at the core of the concept—what legitimacy is” is only a Hohfeldian moral power. In this article, I contend that: (1) Applbaum’s view of legitimacy, when fully unfolded, refers (...)
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  40. Review of Arthur Ripstein, Force and Freedom. [REVIEW]Andrew Botterell - 2011 - Canadian Journal of Political Science 44:457-458.
    A review of Arthur Ripstein, Force and Freedom: Kant's Legal and Political Philosophy (Harvard University Press, 2009).
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  41. Neither a State of Nature nor a State of Exception.José Jorge Mendoza - 2011 - Radical Philosophy Review 14 (2):187-195.
    Since at least the second half of the 19th century, the U.S. federal government has enjoyed “plenary power” over its immigration policy. Plenary power allows the federal government to regulate immigration free of judicial review and thereby, with regard to immigration cases, minimize the Constitutional protections afforded to non-citizens. The justification for granting the U.S federal government such broad powers comes from a certain understanding of sovereignty; one where limiting sovereign authority in cases like immigration could potentially undermine its legitimacy (...)
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  42. State Legitimacy and Self-defence.Massimo Renzo - 2011 - Law and Philosophy 30 (5):575-601.
    In this paper I outline a theory of legitimacy that grounds the state’s right to rule on a natural duty not to harm others. I argue that by refusing to enter the state, anarchists expose those living next to them to the dangers of the state of nature, thereby posing an unjust threat. Since we have a duty not to pose unjust threats to others, anarchists have a duty to leave the state of nature and enter the state. This duty (...)
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  43. Morality, Politics, and Law.John-Michael Kuczynski - 2010 - Kendall Hunt Publishing.
    It is argued (a) that laws are assurances of protections of rights and (b) that governments are protectors of rights. Lest those assurances be empty and thus not really be assurances at all, laws must be enforced and governments must therefore have the power to coerce. For this reason, the government of a given region tends to have, as Max Weber put it, a "monopoly on power" in that region. And because governments are power-monopolizers, it is tempting to think that (...)
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  44. Liberal Foundations of Democratic Authority.Andrew Lister - 2010 - Representation 46 (1):19-34.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund argues that decision-procedures are to be judged solely by their tendency to generate morally superior decisions, but that because any relationship of authority must be acceptable to all qualified moral points of view, the epistemic benefits of less equal procedures must be evident beyond qualified objection. If all doctrines involved in political justification must be qualifiedly acceptable, however, the qualified acceptability requirement must itself be acceptable to qualified points of view. This article provides reasons for (...)
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  45. Reinventing the Nightwatchman State?Malcolm Thorburn - 2010 - University of Toronto Law Journal 60:425-443.
    This article raises a principled objection to the privatization of certain core police services. Whereas most of the literature critical of privatizing security services has focused on the negative consequences of doing so (corruption, waste, etc.), the argument here focuses squarely on the standing of private parties to perform police services. According to an important strain of liberal political theory, certain tasks are assigned to the state not because it is deemed to be more efficient at delivering those services but (...)
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  46. Kilka uwag o koncepcji prezydentury rotacyjnej w państwie afrykańskim.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Afryka 31 (32):29-44.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘Some Remarks on the Idea of Rotational Presidency in an African State.’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 31-32, 2010, pp. 29-44. The main aim of this article is to explain and analyze in a critical way the concept of the rotational presidency, proposed for a multiethnic African state by a Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye. In his opinion, the presidency in an African state should be rotated between all ethnic groups. According to Gyekye, this system would allow (...)
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  47. Źródła legitymacji tradycyjnego władztwa we współczesnej Afryce jako przyczynek do lepszego zrozumienia jego roli i fenomenu trwania.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Afryka 29 (30):47-70.
    Legitymacja należy do kluczowych zagadnień myśli politycznej i jest nierozerwalnie powiązana między innymi z takimi terminami jak państwo, władza, obywatele, poddani, prawa i obowiązki. Pojęcie legitymacji jest niezwykle ważne i być może właśnie z tego powodu jego istota stanowi temat wielu dyskusji. W tym artykule nie będziemy jednak analizować sporów definicyjnych. Ograniczymy się do podejścia, jakie proponuje Roger Scruton, unikając przedstawienia ścisłej definicji. Termin ‘legitymacja’ określa, jego zdaniem, to samo, co pojęcia ‘prawomocność władzy’ bądź ‘prawowite panowanie’. Gdy rządzący dzierżą władzę (...)
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  48. Should the State Fund Religious Schools?Michael S. Merry - 2007 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (3):255-270.
    In this article, I make a philosophical case for the state to fund religious schools. Ultimately, I shall argue that the state has an obligation to fund and provide oversight of all schools irrespective of their religious or non-religious character. The education of children is in the public interest and therefore the state must assume its responsibility to its future citizens to ensure that they receive a quality education. Still, while both religious schools and the polity have much to be (...)
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  49. The grammars of 'power': Between contestation and mediation.Mark Rigstad - 2006 - Theoria 53 (111):108-141.
    In light of the pragmatic aspirations of ordinary language philosophy, this essay critically examines the competing grammatical strictures that are often set forth within the theoretical discourse of 'power'. It repudiates both categorically appraisive employments of 'power' and the antithetical urge to fully operationalize the concept. It offers an attenuated defense of the thesis that 'power' is an essentially contestable concept, but rejects the notion that this linguistic fact stems from conflict between antipodal ideological paradigms. Careful attention to the ordinary (...)
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  50. Nozick, prohibition, and no-fault motor insurance.Toby Handfield - 2003 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 20 (2):201–208.
    Is a Nozickian theory of rights compatible with a no-fault motor insurance scheme? I say, Yes. The argument turns on an explication of the basis on which a Nozickian justifies the prohibition of merely risky activities.
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