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  1. The right of democracies to sanction other democracies.Terence Rajivan Edward - manuscript
    Avia Pasternak argues for a right that democracies have to sanction other democracies. This paper reconstructs her argument and objects to one of its premises.
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  2. Stay in Your (Semantic) Lane: Prudence and the Lexical Sovereignty of Social Groups.Benjamin L. S. Nelson - manuscript
    This paper argues that it is prudentially wise to defer to groups about how they are essentially constituted and defined. After a few words situating the paper in my greater research project (§1), I articulate the kind of deference I have in mind (§2). Then I offer two conditional arguments on why it is epistemically desirable to let other people tell you how they ought to be identified (§3). The first argument is that people are owed lexical sovereignty because denying (...)
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  3. Sovereignty, ecology, and regional imperatives: formulating normative foundations for regional ecological justice.Patrik Baard - forthcoming - Territory, Politics, Governance 1 (1).
    I will outline four justifications of regional ecological obligations calling for different political authorities to collaborate for ecological reasons: through voluntary agreement between political entities united by an ecological region; by a shared regional history or cultural relations to an ecological region; with reference to ‘place-based’ duties with an ecological basis; or by obligations to an extended set of individual right-holders. None are conclusive reasons but show that there are normative grounds for regional collaboration of separate political authorities. The article (...)
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  4. Narrativization of human population genetics: Two cases in Iceland and Russia.Vadim Chaly & Olga V. Popova - 2024 - Public Understanding of Science 33 (3):370-386.
    Using the two cases of the Icelandic Health Sector Database and Russian initiatives in biobanking, the article criticizes the view of narratives and imaginaries as a sufficient and unproblematic means of shaping public understanding of genetics and justifying population-wide projects. Narrative representations of national biobanking engage particular imaginaries that are not bound by the universal normative framework of human rights, promote affective thinking, distract the public from recognizing and discussing tangible ethical and socioeconomic issues, and harm trust in science and (...)
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  5. Building a Fair Future: Transforming Immigration Policy for Refugees and Families.Matthew J. Lister - 2024 - In Matteo Bonotti & Narelle Miragliotta (eds.), Australian Politics at a Crossroads: Prospects for Change. London: Routledge. pp. 149-16`.
    In this chapter I focus on two problems facing immigration systems around the world, and Australia in particular. The topics addressed are chosen because each one involves important fundamental rights and because significant improvement in these areas is possible even if each state acts alone, without significant coordination with others. First, I examine refugee programmes, focussing specifically on the ‘two- tier’ refugee programmes pioneered by Australia with the introduction of Temporary Protection Visas by the Howard Government in 1999. Next, I (...)
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  6. Climate change and territory.Mancilla Alejandra & Baard Patrik - 2023 - WIREs Climate Change 1 (Early View).
    he territorial impacts of climate change will affect millions. This will happen not only as a direct consequence of climate change, but also because of policies for mitigating it—for example, through the installation of large wind and solar farms, the conservation of land in its role as carbon sink, and the extraction of materials needed for renewable energy technologies. In this article, we offer an overview of the justice-related issues that these impacts create. The literature on climate justice and territory (...)
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  7. Realism in the ethics of immigration.James S. Pearson - 2023 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 49 (8):950-974.
    The ethics of immigration is currently marked by a division between realists and idealists. The idealists generally focus on formulating morally ideal immigration policies. The realists, however, tend to dismiss these ideals as far-fetched and infeasible. In contrast to the idealists, the realists seek to resolve pressing practical issues relating to immigration, principally by advancing what they consider to be actionable policy recommendations. In this article, I take issue with this conception of realism. I begin by surveying the way in (...)
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  8. The Concept of Sovereignty in the Philosophy of Georges Bataille.Linartas Tuomas - 2023 - Logos 115:194-204.
    The article considers Georges Bataille’s concept of sovereignty. It argues that Bataille’s concept of sovereignty covers three principal domains: materialist (economic), transcendental (epistemological), and temporal. Here, Bataille’s sovereignty is defined as anti-servile, anti-utilitarian and anti-rationalist. Also, Bataille’s sovereignty is described as egalitarian, rebellious and based on useless and nonproductive consumption. Bataille’s temporal sovereignty is defined as presentism. The article proposes the notions of acephalous sovereignty and political atheology. Finally, the research reveals that Bataille’s concept of sovereignty is more economic than (...)
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  9. Wealth and power: Philosophical perspectives.Michael Bennett, Huub Brouwer & Rutger Claassen (eds.) - 2022 - New York, NY: Routledge.
    Is political equality viable given the unequal private property holdings characteristic of a capitalist economy? This book places the wealth-politics nexus at the centre of scholarly analysis. Traditional theories of democracy and property have often ignored the ways in which the rich attempt to convert their wealth into political power, operating on the implicit assumption that politics is isolated from economic forces. This book brings the moral and political links between wealth and power into clear focus. The chapters are divided (...)
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  10. Sovereignty, genealogy, and the critique of state violence.Eli B. Lichtenstein - 2022 - Constellations 29 (2):214-228.
    While the immediate aim of Walter Benjamin’s famous essay, “Critique of Violence,” is to provide a critique of legal violence, commentators typically interpret it as providing a further critique of state violence. However, this interpretation often receives no further argument, and it remains unclear whether Benjamin’s essay may prove analytically relevant for a critique of state violence today. This paper argues that the “Critique” proves thusly relevant, but only on condition that it is developed in two directions. The first direction (...)
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  11. Sexuate Difference, Sovereignty and Colonialism: Reading Luce Irigaray with Irene Watson.Laura Roberts - 2022 - Sophia 61 (1):151-168.
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  12. Energy sovereignty: a values-based conceptual analysis.Cristian Timmermann & Eduardo Noboa - 2022 - Science and Engineering Ethics 28 (6):54.
    Achieving energy sovereignty is increasingly gaining prominence as a goal in energy politics. The aim of this paper is to provide a conceptual analysis of this principle from an ethics and social justice perspective. We rely on the literature on food sovereignty to identify through a comparative analysis the elements energy sovereignty will most likely demand and thereafter distinguish the unique constituencies of the energy sector. The idea of energy sovereignty embraces a series of values, among which we identified: (i) (...)
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  13. The capital flight quadrilemma: Democratic trade-offs and international investment.Michael Bennett - 2021 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (14):199-217.
    This article argues that capital flight of real investment presents governments with a quadrilemma. First, governments can tailor their policies to attract investors – but this is incompatible with a whole range of alternative policy choices. Second, they can simply accept capital flight – but this is incompatible with a robust capital stock and tax base. Third, they can harmonize its taxes and regulations with other states – but this is incompatible with international independence. Fourth, they can impose capital controls (...)
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  14. Biopolitics & Probability: Agamben & Kierkegaard.Virgil W. Brower - 2021 - In Antonio Marcos Marcos & Colby Dickinson (eds.), Agamben and the Existentialists. pp. 46-64.
    This project retraces activations of Kierkegaard in the development of polit­ical theology. It suggests alternative modes of states of exception than those attributed to him by Schmitt, Taubes and Agamben. Several Kierkegaardian themes open themselves to 'something like pure potential' in Agamben, namely: living death, animality, criminality, auto-constitution, modification, liturgy, love and certain articulations of improbabilities. Attention is drawn to a modal ontology and auto-constitution at work in Kierkegaard's writings, as well as a complicated and indissociable operation between killing and (...)
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  15. Determining the Number of Refugees to Be Resettled in the United States: An Ethical and Policy Analysis of Policy-Level Stakeholder Views.Rachel Fabi, Daniel Serwer, Namrita S. Singh, Govind Persad, Paul Spiegel & Leonard Rubenstein - 2021 - Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies 19 (2):142-156.
    Through engagement with key informants and review of ethical theories applicable to refugee policy, this paper examines the ethical and policy considerations that policy-level stakeholders believe should factor into setting the refugee resettlement ceiling. We find that the ceiling traditionally has been influenced by policy goals, underlying values, and practical considerations. These factors map onto several ethical approaches to resettlement. There is significant alignment between U.S. policy interests and ethical obligations toward refugees. We argue that the refugee ceiling should be (...)
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  16. The Problem of Political Sovereignty: Hegel and Schmitt (3rd edition).Markos H. Feseha - 2021 - Cosmos and History : The Journal of Natural and Social Philosophy 17 (3):145-170.
    Both G.F.W. Hegel and Carl Schmitt took seriously the problem of political sovereignty entailed by liberal political theories. In Dictatorship (1919) and Political Theology (1922), Schmitt rejects liberal political theories that argue for the immediate unity of democracy and legality i.e., popular sovereignty, because he thinks they cannot secure political sovereignty. In the Philosophy of Right, Hegel denounces popular sovereignty for similar reasons. Yet given Schmitt’s negative assessment of Hegel their positions are seldom related to one another. I argue in (...)
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  17. Legitimacy, Signature and Sovereignty in Derrida.Andro Kitus - 2021 - Law, Culture and the Humanities 2021.
    Legitimacy is a concept that has been largely forgotten by the deconstructive discourse on law and politics. This article seeks, on the one hand, to reassess the role of legitimacy in deconstruction and, on the other hand, to bring deconstructive thinking to bear on the concept of legitimacy. By re-reading Derrida’s “Declarations of Independence” through the lenses of his later texts on sovereignty and (counter)signature, it is argued that, rather than being deconstructible, legitimacy is deconstructing any self-founding of law and (...)
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  18. Foucault’s Analytics of Sovereignty.Eli B. Lichtenstein - 2021 - Critical Horizons 22 (3):287-305.
    The classical theory of sovereignty describes sovereignty as absolute and undivided yet no early modern state could claim such features. Historical record instead suggests that sovereignty was always divided and contested. In this article I argue that Foucault offers a competing account of sovereignty that underlines such features and is thus more historically apt. While commentators typically assume that Foucault’s understanding of sovereignty is borrowed from the classical theory, I demonstrate instead that he offers a sui generis interpretation, which results (...)
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  19. Protecting Democracy by Commingling Polities: The Case for Accepting Foreign Influence and Interference in Democratic Processes.Duncan MacIntosh - 2021 - In Duncan B. Hollis & Jens David Ohlin (eds.), Defending Democracies: Combating Foreign Election Interference in a Digital Age. Oxford University Press. pp. 93-114.
    This chapter criticizes several methods of responding to the techniques foreign powers are widely acknowledged to be using to subvert U.S. elections. It suggests that countries do this when they have a legitimate stake in each other’s political deliberations, but no formal voice in them. It also suggests that if they accord each other such a voice, they will engage as co-deliberators with arguments, rather than trying to undermine each other’s deliberative processes; and that this will be salutary for all (...)
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  20. The Irreplaceability of Place: What We Lose When We Lose Our Homeland.John Madock - 2021 - Biblioteca Della Libertà 232 (56):83-98.
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  21. Trophy Hunting as Conservation Strategy?Garrett Pendergraft - 2021 - SAGE Business Cases.
    Should we kill animals to save animals? This question lies at the heart of this case study. Sovereign nations have an interest in protecting and conserving their natural resources, and in particular their distinctive flora and fauna. As they seek to promote these interests, they inevitably face the economic question of how they are going to finance their conservation efforts. One way of answering this question is to engage in the practice of selling big game hunting licenses and using the (...)
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  22. Political philosophy beyond methodological nationalism.Alex Sager - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (2):e12726.
    Interdisciplinary work on the nature of borders and society has enriched and complicated our understanding of democracy, community, distributive justice, and migration. It reveals the cognitive bias of methodological nationalism, which has distorted normative political thought on these topics, uncritically and often unconsciously adapting and reifying state‐centered conceptions of territory, space, and community. Under methodological nationalism, state territories demarcate the boundaries of the political; society is conceived as composed of immobile, culturally homogenous citizens, each belonging to one and only one (...)
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  23. The ”foreign” virus? Justifying Norway’s border closure.Magnus Skytterholm Egan & Attila Tanyi - 2021 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 15 (2):29-47.
    In response to the Covid pandemic the Norwegian government put in place the strictest border closures in Norwegian modern history, restricting entry to most foreign nationals. The Prime Minister, Erna Solberg, justified these restrictions with reference to the rise of new Covid variants, and the need to limit visitors to Norway as much as possible. In this paper we critically examine both the justification given for the border closure, and explore the possible adverse effects this closure might bring about. We (...)
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  24. The Origins of Francisco Suarez's Doctrines on Popular Sovereignty and Authority.Millan Zorita - 2021 - Cuadernos de ALDEEU 35 (Spring 2021):167 - 183.
    Francisco Suarez was a Spanish Jesuit scholastic who wrote extensively on theology, metaphysics, law, and politics at the turn of the 17th century. Highly regarded, he has remained influential until the present. This paper will focus on his theories of popular sovereignty and resistance that were so implicitly influential during the early modern period and into the Enlightenment. The clear evolution from the political thinking of Plato through the Aristotelian-Thomistic school is shown to evolve into Suarez’s as a result of (...)
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  25. Sovereign Chaos and Riotous Affects, Or, How to Find Joy Behind the Barricades.Aylon Cohen - 2020 - Capacious: Journal for Emerging Affect Inquiry 2 (1-2):152–172.
    A commonly deployed signifier to render the political event of a riot intelligible, ‘chaos’ describes an affective condition of disorder and disarray. For some theorists of affect, such a condition of chaotic unpredictability suggests emancipatory potential. Recounting the 2018 May Day / May 1st protests in Paris, that both politicians and media declared to be a riot, this paper argues that to consider the riot as chaotic is to think and feel like a state. Critically interrogating the analytical purchase of (...)
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  26. Local Food as Social Change: Food Sovereignty as a Radical New Ontology.Samantha Noll - 2020 - Argumenta 2 (5):215-230.
    Local food projects are steadily becoming a part of contemporary food systems and take on many forms. They are typically analyzed using an ethical, or sociopolitical, lens. Food focused initiatives can be understood as strategies to achieve ethical change in food systems and, as such, ethics play a guiding role. But local food is also a social movement and, thus social and political theories provide unique insights during analysis. This paper begins with the position that ontology should play a more (...)
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  27. Foucault and Beyond: From Sovereignty Power to Contemporary Biopolitics.Hazel Marie M. Vitales - 2020 - Mabini Review 9:161-178.
    In this paper, I will provide an interpretation of Foucauldian theoretical understanding on natures of power from sovereign power to biopolitics. In order to give further depth and texture to what he means by biopolitics, I will attempt to connect biopolitics with his earlier work Discipline and Punish. The term ‘biopolitics’ was actually mentioned by Foucault on the last chapter of his History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction, where he also claimed it as a technology of power linked to (...)
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  28. Lino Camprubí Bueno: Los ingenieros de Franco. Ciencia, catolicismo y Guerra Fría en el Estado franquista. Barcelona: Crítica, 2017, 317 páginas. [REVIEW]Joseba Pascual Alba - 2019 - Empiria. Revista de Metodología de Ciencias Sociales 42:199–202.
    (ESP) Recensión del libro "Los ingenieros de Franco. Ciencia, catolicismo y Guerra Fría en el Estado franquista". Barcelona: Crítica, 2017, 317 páginas. La investigación principal de Lino Camprubí, nos ofrece una historia de la transformación del territorio español desde el punto de vista de las ciencias y las tecnologías. Constituye un ejemplo de constatación de la imbricación entre ciencia, tecnología y economía política –sin olvidar la religión. El libro muestra cómo el régimen franquista utilizó la ciencia y tecnología a su (...)
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  29. Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  30. The nerves of the Leviathan: On metaphor and Hobbes' theory of punishment.Alejo Stark - 2019 - Otro Siglo 3 (2):26-42.
    Thomas Hobbes’ theory of punishment plays a constitutive role in the Leviathan’s theory of state sovereignty. Despite this, Hobbes’ justification for punishment is widely found to be discrepant, weak, inconsistent, and contradictory. Two dominant tendencies in the scholarship attempt to stabilize the Leviathan’s justification for the state’s right to punish by either identifying it with the sovereign’s right to war or by elaborating a theory of authorization within the state. In contrast, by tracing the deployments of the metaphor that Hobbes (...)
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  31. Do Divine Conceptualist Accounts Fail?Greg Welty - 2019 - Philosophia Christi 21 (2):255-266.
    William Lane Craig’s God over All argues against the kind of “divine conceptualism” about abstract objects which I defend. In this conference presentation I note several points of agreement with and appreciation for Craig’s important work. I then turn to five points of critique and response pertaining to: the sovereignty-aseity intuition, the reality of false propositions, God’s having “inappropriate” thoughts, propositions being purely private and incommunicable, and a consistent view of God’s own ontological commitments. I conclude by summarizing our two (...)
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  32. Letter of October 24, 1851 “Las Clases Discutidoras”.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 3 (2):96-104.
    This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...)
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  33. Étienne Balibar, Equaliberty: Political Essays, translated by James IngramÉtienne Balibar, Violence and Civility: On the Limits of Political Philosophy, translated by G.M. Goshgarian.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2018 - Derrida Today 11 (2):230-237.
    This essay examines Étienne Balibar's readings of Jacques Derrida and deconstruction. The text is framed as a review of two books by Balibar: 'Equaliberty' and 'Violence and Civility'. After describing the context of those readings, I propose a broader reflection on the ambiguous relationship between 'post-Marxism' and 'deconstruction', focusing on concepts such as 'violence', 'cruelty', 'sovereignty' and 'property'. I also raise methodological questions related to the 'use' of deconstructive notions in political theory debates.
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  34. Pluralising Political Legitimacy.Duncan Ivison - 2018 - Postcolonial Studies 20 (1):118-130.
    Does the Australian state exercise legitimate power over the indigenous peoples within its borders? To say that the state’s political decisions are legitimate is to say that it has the right to impose those decisions on indigenous peoples and that they have a (at least a prima facie) duty to obey. In this paper, I consider the general normative frameworks within which these questions are often grasped in contemporary political theory. Two dominant modes of dealing with political legitimacy are through (...)
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  35. Blacks, Cops, and the State of Nature.Raff Donelson - 2017 - Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law 15 (1):183-192.
    This essay offers a new way to conceptualize the “police violence against Blacks” phenomenon. I argue that we should see the situation as an instance of what Thomas Hobbes called the state of nature, that is, a state without effective law. This understanding of the phenomenon stands in sharp contrast to that offered by Professor Michelle Alexander in her book The New Jim Crow. Alexander sees the phenomenon as a continuation of centuries-old patterns of state-backed anti-Black racism. My account is (...)
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  36. Tractatus Politico-Philosophicus: New Directions for the Future Development of Humankind.W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz - 2017 - New York: Routledge.
    Tractatus Politico-Philosophicus (Political-Philosophical Treatise) aims to establish the principles of good governance and of a happy society, and to open up new directions for the future development of humankind. W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz demonstrates the necessity of, and provides a guide for, the redirection of humanity. He argues that this paradigm shift must involve changing the character of social life and politics from competitive to cooperative, encouraging moral and intellectual virtues, providing foundations for happy societies, promoting peace among countries and building (...)
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  37. Justification not Recognition.Duncan Ivison - 2016 - Indigenous Law Bulletin 24 (8):12-18.
    The debate over the constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples is a deeply political one. That might appear to be a controversial claim. After all, there has been much talk about minimising the scope for disagreement between ‘constitutional conservatives’ and supporters of more expansive constitutional recognition. And there is concern to ensure that any potential referendum enjoys the maximum conditions and opportunity for success. However, my argument shall be that any form of constitutional recognition of Australia’s First Peoples needs to be (...)
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  38. Resisting Legitimacy: Weber, Derrida, and the Fallibility of Sovereign Power.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2016 - Global Discourse 6 (3):374-391.
    In this article, I engage with Derrida’s deconstructive reading of theories of performativity in order to analyse Max Weber’s sovereignty–legitimacy paradigm. First, I highlight an essential articulation between legitimacy and sovereign ipseity (understood, beyond the sole example of State sovereignty, as the autopositioned power-to-be-oneself). Second, I identify a more originary force of legitimation, which remains foreign to the order of performative ipseity because it is the condition for both its position and its deconstruction. This suggests an essential fallibility of the (...)
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  39. Tentacles of the Leviathan? Nationalism, Islamophobia, and the Insufficiency-yet-Indispensability of Human Rights for Religious Freedom in Contemporary Europe.Jason A. Springs - 2016 - Journal of the American Academy of Religion 84 (3).
    Is the institutionalization of religious freedom through human rights jurisprudence simply a means by which the modern nation-state manufactures and regulates “religion”? Is the discourse of religious freedom principally a technology of state governance? These questions challenge the ways that scholars conceptualize the relation between states, nationalism, human rights, and religious freedom. This article forwards an approach to human rights and methodological nationalism that both counters and explores alternatives to the prevailing conceptions of human rights, nationalism, and state sovereignty in (...)
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  40. Agrobiodiversity Under Different Property Regimes.Cristian Timmermann & Zoë Robaey - 2016 - Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 29 (2):285-303.
    Having an adequate and extensively recognized resource governance system is essential for the conservation and sustainable use of crop genetic resources in a highly populated planet. Despite the widely accepted importance of agrobiodiversity for future plant breeding and thus food security, there is still pervasive disagreement at the individual level on who should own genetic resources. The aim of the article is to provide conceptual clarification on the following concepts and their relation to agrobiodiversity stewardship: open access, commons, private property, (...)
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  41. Was Donald Trump Elected Because He Is Laughable? Reflections on Trump and Sovereignty.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2016 - Public Seminar.
    The article shows that Donald Trump used three distinct but mutually supportive strategies to ascent to power in the 2016 elections. It argues that sovereignty in general uses these three strategies to justify its power. But it is only one of them, the one linked to a biopolitical conception of sovereignty, that allows for lack of authority. Trump used this strategy to great effect in 2016, but the article argues that it will be hard to pursue the same strategy from (...)
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  42. Against ‘permanent sovereignty’ over natural resources.Chris Armstrong - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (2):129-151.
    The doctrine of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is a hugely consequential one in the contemporary world, appearing to grant nation-states both jurisdiction-type rights and rights of ownership over the resources to be found in their territories. But the normative justification for that doctrine is far from clear. This article elucidates the best arguments that might be made for permanent sovereignty, including claims from national improvement of or attachment to resources, as well as functionalist claims linking resource rights to key (...)
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  43. Towards a Digressive Society.Christophe Bruchansky - 2015
    This paper is a copy of Digressive Society’s conclusions. In the book Digressive Society, I describe a society that would be based on the principle that no one is allowed to impose a principle on others. This paradoxical principle is, as I demonstrate, equivalent to the global maximisation of individual choices as well as the combating of all forms of alienation. A digression should be understood in the positive sense, it is distancing ourselves from an initial intention, deviate from a (...)
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  44. The European Public(s) and its Problems.Axel Mueller - 2015 - In Hauke Brunkhorst, Charlotte Gaitanides & Gerhard Grözinger (eds.), Europe at a Crossroad: From Currency Union to Political and Economic Governance? Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. pp. 19-59.
    I present three versions –Grimm, Offe and Streeck—of a general argument that is often used to establish that the EU-institutions meets a legitimacy-disabling condition, the so called “no demos” argument (II), embedding them in the context of the notorious “democratic deficit” suspicions against the legal system and practice of the EU (I). After examining the logical structure behind the no-demos intuition considered as an argument (III), I present principled reasons by Möllers and Habermas that show why the “no demos” argument (...)
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  45. On the Militarization of Borders and the Juridical Right to Exclude.Grant J. Silva - 2015 - Public Affairs Quarterly 29 (2):217-234.
    This work explores the increasing militarization of borders throughout the world, particularly the United States border with Mexico. Rather than further rhetoric of "border security," this work views increases in guards, technology and the building of walls as militarized action. The goal of this essay is to place the onus upon states to justify their actions at borders in ways that do not appeal to tropes of terrorism. This work then explores how a logic of security infiltrates philosophical discussions of (...)
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  46. Locke on Territorial Rights.Bas van der Vossen - 2015 - Political Studies 63 (3):713-728.
    Most treatments of territorial rights include a discussion (and rejection) of Locke. There is a remarkable consensus about what Locke’s views were. For him, states obtain territorial rights as the result of partial transfers of people’s property rights. In this article, I reject this reading. I argue that (a) for Locke, transfers of property rights were neither necessary nor sufficient for territorial rights and that (b) Locke in fact held a two-part theory of territorial rights. I support this reading by (...)
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  47. Taking a Stand, or Why the ‘No’ Vote is a ‘Yes’ to the Idea of Europe.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2015 - Chronos.
    It examines the context of the referendum in Greece in the summer of 2015 in view of theories of sovereignty and theories of judgment.
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  48. Hobbes and the Question of Power.Sandra Field - 2014 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. (...)
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  49. A Kantian Argument for Sovereignty Rights of Indigenous Peoples.Thomason Krista - 2014 - Public Reason 6 (1-2):21-34.
    Kant’s non-voluntarist conception of political obligation has led some philosophers to argue that he would reject self-government rights for indigenous peoples. Some recent scholarship suggests, however, that Kant’s critique of colonialism provides an argument in favor of granting self-government rights. Here I argue for a stronger conclusion: Kantian political theory not only can but must include sovereignty for indigenous peoples. Normally these rights are considered redress for historic injustice. On a Kantian view, however, I argue that they are not remedial. (...)
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  50. An Ontological Approach to Territorial Disputes.Neil Otte, Brian Donohue & Barry Smith - 2014 - In Semantic Technology in Intelligence, Defense and Security (STIDS), CEUR, vol. 1304. CEUR. pp. 2-9.
    Disputes over territory are a major contributing factor to the disruption of international relations. We believe that a cumulative, integrated, and continuously updated resource providing information about such disputes in an easily accessible form would be of benefit to intelligence analysts, military strategists, political scientists, and also to historians and others concerned with international disputes. We propose an ontology-based strategy for creating such a resource. The resource will contain information about territorial disputes, arguments for and against claims pertaining to sovereignty, (...)
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