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  1. Kant’s Four Political Conditions.Helga Varden - 2022 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 57 (3-4):194-207.
    In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that it answers these questions (...)
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  2. "On the Noumena of History": On the Status of Nomads in Deleuze's Thought.Daniel W. Smith - manuscript
    The “Treatise on Nomadology: The War Machine" is one of the most important and innovative chapters in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's book, A Thousand Plateaus. It is a highly original text in political philosophy whose implications have yet to be fully mined—or even partially mined, for that matter. This short text analyzes the "noumenal" status that Deleuze assigns to the nomadic war machine, and analyzes the fundamental role that the nomadology plays in Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy.
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  3. Designed for Death: Controlling Killer Robots.Steven Umbrello - 2022 - Budapest: Trivent Publishing.
    Autonomous weapons systems, often referred to as ‘killer robots’, have been a hallmark of popular imagination for decades. However, with the inexorable advance of artificial intelligence systems (AI) and robotics, killer robots are quickly becoming a reality. These lethal technologies can learn, adapt, and potentially make life and death decisions on the battlefield with little-to-no human involvement. This naturally leads to not only legal but ethical concerns as to whether we can meaningful control such machines, and if so, then how. (...)
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  4. The Significance of the Past.Guy Kahane - 2021 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 7 (4):582-600.
    The past is deeply important to many of us. But our concern about history can seem puzzling and needs justification. After all, the past cannot be changed: we can help the living needy, but the tears we shed for the long dead victims of past tragedies help no one. Attempts to justify our concern about history typically take one of two opposing forms. It is assumed either that such concern must be justified in instrumental or otherwise self-centered and present-centered terms (...)
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  5. Science is so Costly Because of Wars.Minh-Hoang Nguyen - manuscript
    Investment in science has led human civilization to many achievements in science and technology, including military weapons. War – the worst scenario of a conflict – always leads to deaths and devastation. Weapons do not destroy things and kill people by themselves, but they are used and controlled by the hands of humans. No matter how advanced they are, they are still tools that serve humans’ interests. Conflicts need to be resolved through humane approaches aided by science and technology developments. (...)
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  6. The Real Promise of Federalism: A Case Study of Arendt’s International Thought.Shinkyu Lee - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (3):539-560.
    For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt's international federalism. First, Arendt's international thoughts call for balancing two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in politics (intra-state (...)
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  7. Military Virtues for Today.Peter Olsthoorn - 2021 - Ethics and Armed Forces 2021 (2):24-29.
    How can military personnel be prevented from using force unlawfully? A critical examination of typical methods and the suitability of virtue ethics for this task starts with the inadequacies of a purely rules-based approach, and the fact that many armed forces increasingly rely on character development training. The three investigated complexes also raise further questions which require serious consideration – such as about the general teachability of virtues. First, the changing roles and responsibilities of modern armed forces are used to (...)
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  8. Hannah Arendt’s International Agonism [한나 아렌트 논쟁 이론의 국제정치적 함의].Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - Korean Review of Political Thought [정치사상연구] 27 (2):215-244.
    Hannah Arendt’s fierce critique of sovereignty, along with her excavation of Greek agonism, has gained much traction among critical theorists of international politics who revisit the basic assumptions of conventional international theories, such as state sovereignty and power as domination. This paper engages with an increasingly popular stream within such critical international studies that appropriates Arendt’s agonism to envision a form of a global public acting in concert. I argue that Arendt’s thoughts cannot be reduced to a radical vision of (...)
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  9. Hannah Arendt and International Relations.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - In Nukhet Sandal (ed.), Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press. pp. 1-30.
    International relations (IR) scholars have increasingly integrated Hannah Arendt into their works. Her fierce critique of the conventional ideas of politics driven by rulership, enforcement, and violence has a particular resonance for theorists seeking to critically revisit the basic assumptions of IR scholarship. Arendt’s thinking, however, contains complexity and nuance that need careful treatment when extended beyond domestic politics. In particular, Arendt’s vision of free politics—characterized by the dualistic emphasis on agonistic action and institutional stability—raises two crucial issues that need (...)
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  10. Pensar desde el mal. Hermenéutica en tiempos de apocalipsis.Víctor Samuel Rivera - 2021 - Lima, Perú: Fondo Editorial del Congreso de la República del Perú.
    La presente publicación de Víctor Samuel Rivera reúne diez ensayos, escritos entre los años 2014 y 2017, cuyo foco son las democracias capitalistas liberales, según las llama el autor. Estamos, por consiguiente, ante un trabajo decididamente actual que nos coloca frente a dos evidencias. La primera es que el objeto de estudio ofrece retos singulares, pues se trata de reflexionar acerca del mismo flujo histórico que enmarca nuestras condiciones de saber y fija nuestros horizontes de sentido. La segunda sería que (...)
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  11. Slavoj Zizek and Violence.Irfan Ajvazi - manuscript
    Slavoj Žižek and Violence -/- Žižek’s book is fundamentally about understanding violence and the way it is represented in global society, especially in relation to economic interests. He draws a distinction between what he calls subjective violence and objective violence. Subjective violence refers to violence that is inflicted by a clearly identifiable agent of action, as in the case of criminal activity or terrorism. Objective violence, on the other hand, has no clear perpetrator and is often overlooked in the background (...)
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  12. The History and Philosophy of Fanaticism.Paul Katsafanas (ed.) - forthcoming - London: Routledge.
    24 original essays on the philosophy of fanaticism. These essays explore the epistemology, moral psychology, and ethics of fanaticism. The attached file contains a brief introduction and table of contents. -/- .
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  13. Fanon's Frame of Violence: Undoing the Instrumental/Non-Instrumental Binary.Imge Oranli - 2021 - Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 23 (8):1106-1123.
    The scholarship on Frantz Fanon’s theorization of violence is crowded with interpretations that follow the Arendtian paradigm of violence. These interpretations often discuss whether violence is instrumental or non-instrumental in Fanon’s work. This reading, I believe, is the result of approaching Fanon through Hannah Arendt’s framing of violence, i.e. through a binary paradigm of instrumental versus non-instrumental violence. Even some Fanon scholars who question Arendt’s reading of Fanon, do so by employing a similar binary logic, hence repeating the same either/or (...)
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  14. Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil.Helga Varden - forthcoming - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society.
    Abstract: Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil -/- This paper starts by sketching Kant’s four ideal legal and political conditions—'anarchy,’ ‘despotism,’ ‘republic,’ and ‘barbarism’—before showing their usefulness for analyzing different political forces that may operate in any given society. Contrary to the common tendency in political philosophy to view our societies as either in the so-called ‘state of nature’ (‘anarchy’) or in ‘civil society’ (‘republic’), I propose that we might find ourselves in societies where aspects or ‘pockets’ of (...)
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  15. Conceitos Budistas de Raiz - em linguagem de hoje.Roberto Arruda - 2021 - São Paulo - Brasil: edição gratuita - Terra à Vista.
    Buda não ergueu uma religião; fez filosofia e ciência. Foi o precursor do realismo científico, da psicanálise, da filosofia analítica, do existencialismo, do feminismo, da epistemologia, da teoria e crítica do conhecimento, da psicologia social, da psicologia positiva, do preservacionismo ecológico e de conceitos relativos à matéria e à energia que só muito recentemente a física quântica pôde comprovar. Saber adequadamente o que é Budismo é essencial para a formação e cultura de qualquer pessoa que não queira ser simplesmente mais (...)
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  16. Gnostic Jihadism. A Philosophical Inquiry Into Radical Politics.Giacomo Maria Arrigo - 2021 - Milano MI, Italia: Mimesis International.
    This book explores the radical Islamist mindset by adopting the philosophical category of revolutionary Gnosticism. Already used for the study of other revolutionary phenomena such as Nazism, Bolshevism and Jacobinism, never before has this notion been adopted in relation to Salafi -Jihadism, the latest existing revolutionary ideology. The consistency of Salafi -Jihadism with revolutionary Gnosticism reveals a conception of the world that stands in the forgetfulness of a pure transcendent dimension, notwithstanding the apparent spiritual framework and religious justifications that jihadists (...)
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  17. From Self-Defense to Violent Protest.Edmund Tweedy Flanigan - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-25.
    It is an orthodoxy of modern political thought that violence is morally incompatible with politics, with the important exception of the permissible violence carried out by the state. The “commonsense argument” for permissible political violence denies this by extending the principles of defensive ethics to the context of state-subject interaction. This article has two aims: First, I critically investigate the commonsense argument and its limits. I argue that the scope of permissions it licenses is significantly more limited than its proponents (...)
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  18. Bagaimana tujuh sociopaths aturan yang Cina menang perang dunia tiga dan tiga cara untuk menghentikan mereka.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - Selamat Datang di Neraka di Bumi Bayi, Perubahan Iklim, Bitcoin, Kartel, Tiongkok, Demokrasi, Keragaman, Disgenik, Kesetaraan, Peretas, Hak Asasi Manusia, Islam, Liberalisme, Kemakmuran, Web, Kekacauan, Kelaparan, Penyakit, Kekerasan, Kecerdasan Buatan, P.
    Hal pertama yang harus kita ingat adalah bahwa ketika mengatakan bahwa Cina mengatakan ini atau Cina melakukan itu, kita tidak berbicara tentang orang-orang Cina, tetapi dari Sosiopat yang mengendalikan PKT - Partai Komunis Cina, yaitu, Tujuh Pikun Sosiopat Pembunuh Berantai (SSSSK) dari Komite Tetap PKT atau 25 anggota Politbiro dll. Rencana PKT untuk WW3 dan dominasi total ditata cukup jelas dalam publikasi dan pidato pemerintah Cina dan ini adalah "China Dream" Xi Jinping. Ini adalah mimpi hanya untuk minoritas kecil (mungkin (...)
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  19. The Italian Enlightenment and the Rehabilitation of Moral and Political Philosophy.Sergio Cremaschi - 2020 - The European Legacy 25 (7-8):743-759.
    By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...)
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  20. Just War and Global Distributive Justice.Laura Valentini - 2016 - In Pietro Maffettone & David Held (eds.), Global Political Theory. Cambridge, UK: pp. 143-57.
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  21. Why is Globalization a Threat to Africa? A Study of the Thought of Claude Ake on African Migration to the City and Some of Its Consequences.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2011 - In M. Czerny & J. Tapia Quevedo (eds.), Metropolitan Areas in Transition. Warsaw: pp. 311-323.
    Globalization is seen positively by those to whose societies it brings measurable benefits. Claude Ake, one of the most outstanding African thinkers of the second half of the 20th century and a great advocate for constructing democracy in Africa, primarily viewed the progress of globalization in terms of its numerous dangers. In Ake's opinion, globalization negatively affects the condition of contemporary societies, whose members place increasing importance on market values and principles. He thought that when consumer identity finally triumphs over (...)
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  22. Conditional and Contingent Pacifism: The Main Battlegrounds.Nicholas Parkin - 2017 - Critical Studies 2 (6):193-206.
    Anti-war pacifism rejects modern war as a means of attaining peace. This paper outlines two varieties of theoretical anti-war pacifism: conditional pacifism (war is conditionally unjustifiable due to the harm it causes to innocent persons) and contingent pacifism (war is justified if certain criteria are met but contingent facts about modern war mean that few, if any, actual wars meet these criteria). It elucidates the main points of contention at which these positions intersect with other war institution preserving theories, and (...)
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  23. Freedom, the State, and War: Hegel’s Challenge to World Peace.Shinkyu Lee - 2017 - International Politics 54 (2):203-220.
    Several conflict theorists have appropriated Hegel’s ‘struggle for recognition’ to highlight the healthy dimensions of conflict and to explore ways of reaching reconciliation through mutual recognition. In so doing, some scholars attend to the interpersonal dimension of reconciliation, while others focus on the interstate dimension of reconciliation. This paper argues that both approaches miss important Hegelian insights into the modern state. Hegel understands that freedom must be situated and bounded in order to take a concrete form. He believes that concrete (...)
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  24. The Lex of the Earth? Arendt’s Critique of Roman Law.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (3):394-411.
    How political communities should be constituted is at the center of Hannah Arendt’s engagement with two ancient sources of law: the Greek nomos and the Roman lex. Recent scholarship suggests that Arendt treats nomos as imperative and exclusive while lex has a relationship-establishing dimension and that for an inclusive form of polity, she favors lex over nomos. This article argues, however, that Arendt’s appreciation occurs within a general context of more reservations about Rome than Roman-centric interpretations admit. Her writings show (...)
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  25. Guidelines for Exploring an Unknown World: The Universality of Military Principles.Kai Jiang - 2015 - International Journal of Philosophy and Social Sciences 5 (1):33-51.
    Despite its pertinence to every field of study, no systematic theory exists for the exploration of the unknown world of new knowledge. In order to construct such a theory, this paper draws on the unique and highly refined principles of military strategy, in the process demonstrating the universal applicability of such principles and developing an effective analogy for the process of research. Such principles include diverging advance, converging attack, and selecting the superior and eliminating the inferior. In seeking further discoveries, (...)
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  26. The Torture Debate and the Toleration of Torture. [REVIEW]Jessica Wolfendale - 2019 - Criminal Justice Ethics 38 (2):138-152.
    One of the questions raised by this important and thought-provoking collection of essays on torture is how and why the consensus that torture is wrong - a consensus enshrined in international law for decade - has become so fragile. As Scott Anderson writes in the introduction to this volume, "how did abusing and torturing prisoners suddenly become so popular?” The chapters in this volume offer insights into this question from the perspectives of history, psychology, law, philosophy, and sociology. This interdisciplinary (...)
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  27. Conspiring with the Enemy: The Ethic of Cooperation in Warfare.Yvonne Chiu - 2019 - New York, NY, USA: Columbia University Press.
    *North American Society for Social Philosophy (NASSP) Book Award 2019.* -/- *International Studies Association (ISA) - International Ethics Section Book Award 2021.* -/- Although military mores have relied primarily on just war theory, the ethic of cooperation in warfare (ECW)—between enemies even as they are trying to kill each other—is as central to the practice of warfare and to conceptualization of its morality. Neither game theory nor unilateral moral duties (God-given or otherwise) can explain the explicit language of cooperation in (...)
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  28. The Secret Life of Violence.Elena Ruíz - 2019 - In Dustin J. Byrd & Seyed Javad Miri (eds.), Frantz Fanon and Emancipatory Social Theory. Brill.
    This chapter proceeds in two ways. First, I argue that Fanon’s structural witnessing of racism yields important insights about the nature of violence that challenges the settler colonial concept of violence as the extra-legal use of force. Second, I argue that his analysis of violence is insufficient for combating colonial racism and violence because, using the terms of his own analysis, it leaves intact logics and mechanisms that allow racism to structurally renew itself in perpetuity: violence against women. Without a (...)
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  29. 7000 B. C.: Apparatus of Capture.Daniel W. Smith - 2018 - In Henry Somers-Hall, James Williams & Jeffrey Bell (eds.), A Thousand Plateaus and Philosophy. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 223-241.
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  30. Moral Tragedy Pacifism.Nicholas Parkin - 2019 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 16 (3):259-278.
    Conditional pacifism is the view that war is morally justified if and only if it satisfies the condition of not causing serious harm or death to innocent persons. Modern war cannot satisfy this condition, and is thus always unjustified. The main response to this position is that the moral presumption against harming or killing innocents is overridden in certain cases by the moral presumption against allowing innocents to be harmed or killed. That is, as harmful as modern war is, it (...)
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  31. Voltaire, Candido, a cura di Sergio Cremaschi e Filippo Bruni. Voltaire, Sergio Volodia Marcello Cremaschi & Filippo Bruni - 2001 - Scandicci (Firenze), Italy: La Nuova Italia.
    This is one more edition of Voltaire's "Candide", meant to highlight the wealth of philosophical and theological discussions hidden behind the apparently innocent veil of the most renowned fable of modernity. The rather extended apparatus accordingly consists of a series of short chapters by Filippo Bruni on the Enlightenment and Metaphysics, and in more detail, on theology, Free choice, the problem of evil, and happiness in an imperfect world and another by Sergio Cremaschi on the Enlightenment and morality, and in (...)
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  32. Non-Violent Resistance and Last Resort.Nicholas Parkin - 2016 - Journal of Military Ethics 15 (4):259-274.
    It is commonly accepted that recourse to war is justifiable only as a last resort. If a situation can be resolved by less harmful means, then war is unjust. It is also commonly accepted that violent actions in war should be necessary and proportionate. Violent actions in war are unjust if the end towards which those actions are means can be achieved by less harmful means. In this article, I argue that satisfaction of the last resort criterion depends in part (...)
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  33. Pacifism, Supreme Emergency, and Moral Tragedy.Nicholas Parkin - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (4):631-648.
    This paper develops and defends a new way for pacifists to deal with the problem of supreme emergency. In it I argue that a supreme emergency in which some disaster can only be prevented by modern war is a morally tragic situation. This means that a leader faced with a supreme emergency acts unjustifiably in both allowing something terrible to occur, as well as in waging war to prevent it. I also argue that we may have cause to excuse from (...)
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  34. Reviving Nuclear Ethics: A Renewed Research Agenda for the Twenty-First Century.Thomas E. Doyle - 2010 - Ethics and International Affairs 24 (3):287-308.
    Since the end of the Cold War, international ethicists have focused largely on issues outside the traditional scope of security studies. The nuclear ethics literature needs to be revived and reoriented to address the new and evolving 21st century nuclear threats and policy responses.
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Violence
  1. Nonviolent Protesters and Provocations to Violence.Shawn Kaplan - 2022 - Washington University Review of Philosophy 2:170-187.
    In this paper, I examine the ethics of nonviolent protest when a violent response is either foreseen or intended. One central concern is whether protesters, who foresee a violent response but persist, are provoking the violence and whether they are culpable for any eventual harms. A second concern is whether it is permissible to publicize the violent response for political advantage. I begin by distinguishing between two senses of the term provoke: a normative sense where a provocateur knowingly imposes an (...)
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  2. Can Theorizing the Symbiosis Between a Dictator and Suicide Attackers Make Sense?Quan-Hoang Vuong - 2022 - OSF Preprints.
    The thought presented in this short piece is purely hypothetical, or a guess, if you like to put it that way. However, the nature of the mindsponge process will lead to the possibility of bringing our BMF analytics's power into further investigation later on.
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  3. Clarifying Our Duties to Resist.Chong-Ming Lim - forthcoming - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 1.
    According to a prominent argument, citizens in unjust societies have a duty to resist injustice. The moral and political principles that ground the duty to obey the law in just or nearly just conditions, also ground the duty to resist in unjust conditions. This argument is often applied to a variety of unjust conditions. In this essay, I critically examine this argument, focusing on conditions involving institutionally entrenched and socially normalised injustice. In such conditions, the issue of citizens’ duties to (...)
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  4. Environmental Activism and the Fairness of Costs Argument for Uncivil Disobedience.Ten-Herng Lai & Chong-Ming Lim - forthcoming - Journal of the American Philosophical Association.
    Social movements often impose nontrivial costs on others against their wills. Civil disobedience is no exception. How can social movements in general, and civil disobedience in particular, be justifiable despite this apparent wrong-making feature? We examine an intuitively plausible account – it is fair that everyone should bear the burdens of tackling injustice. We extend this fairness-based argument for civil disobedience to defend some acts of uncivil disobedience. Focusing on uncivil environmental activism – such as ecotage (sabotage with the aim (...)
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  5. The Primacy of Intention and the Duty to Truth: A Gandhi-Inspired Argument for Retranslating Hiṃsā_ and _Ahiṃsā, with Connections to History, Ethics, and Civil Resistance.Todd Davies - manuscript
    The words "violence" and "nonviolence" are increasingly misleading translations for the Sanskrit words hiṃsā and ahiṃsā -- which were used by Gandhi as the basis for his philosophy of satyāgraha. I argue for re-reading hiṃsā as “maleficence” and ahiṃsā as “beneficence.” These two more mind-referring English words – associated with religiously contextualized discourse of the past -- capture the primacy of intention implied by Gandhi’s core principles, better than “violence” and “nonviolence” do. Reflecting a political turn in moral accountability detectable (...)
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  6. Truth and Universality: A Necessary Antinomy?José Ramón Fabelo Corzo - 2021 - Sophia 31 (31):41-63.
    Throughout history, oppressors have used multiple forms of violence to impose their own logic on the human universe they oppress. One such form is epistemic violence, which is based on the monopoly control of truth and the hijacking of universality. Those who apply this violence seek to convince everyone of the absolute character of their supposed truths, of the quasi-natural universality of their ways of thinking, of living, of organizing socially. Truth and universality are ineludible objects in dispute between conservative (...)
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  7. Restorative Justice and Domestic Violence.Derek R. Brookes - manuscript
    This paper explores the feasibility of offering a restorative justice (RJ) approach in cases of domestic violence (DV). I argue that widely used RJ processes—such as ‘conferencing’—are unlikely to be sufficiently safe or effective in cases of DV, at least as these processes are standardly designed and practiced (Sections 1-6). I then support the view that if RJ is to be used in cases of DV, then new specialist processes will need to be co-designed with key stakeholders to ensure they (...)
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  8. Violence and the Materiality of Power.Torsten Menge - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (6):761-786.
    The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power structures. I pursue this question (...)
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  9. Political Vandalism as Counter‐Speech: A Defense of Defacing and Destroying Tainted Monuments.Ten‐Herng Lai - 2020 - European Journal of Philosophy 28 (3):602-616.
    Tainted political symbols ought to be confronted, removed, or at least recontextualized. Despite the best efforts to achieve this, however, official actions on tainted symbols often fail to take place. In such cases, I argue that political vandalism—the unauthorized defacement, destruction, or removal of political symbols—may be morally permissible or even obligatory. This is when, and insofar as, political vandalism serves as fitting counter-speech that undermines the authority of tainted symbols in ways that match their publicity, refuses to let them (...)
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  10. Slicing Up Eyeballs: The Criminal Underworlds of Nicolas Winding Refn.M. Blake Wilson - 2020 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 4 (2):15-39.
    From Buñuel and Dali’s Un Chien Andalou to recent works by Danish filmmaker Nicolas Winding Refn, the cinematic destruction of the eye has become iconic due to its striking effect upon film spectators’ visceral experiences as well as its ability to influence their symbolic or fetishistic desires. By exploiting the natural discomfort and disgust produced by these types of images and then situating them within an aesthetic and psychoanalytic framework, Refn and other filmmakers provide a visual showcase for a unique (...)
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  11. Shattered Faith: The Social Epistemology of Deconversion by Spiritually Violent Religious Trauma.David Efird, Joshua Cockayne & Jack Warman - 2020 - In Michelle Panchuk & Michael C. Rea (eds.), Voices from The Edge: Centering Marginalized Perspectives in Analytic Theology.
    In this chapter, we argue that it’s possible to lose your faith in God by the actions of other people. In particular, we argue that spiritually violent religious trauma, where religious texts are used to shame a person into thinking themselves unworthy of God’s love, can cause a person to stop engaging in activities that sustain their faith in God, such as engaging in the worship of God. To do this, we provide an analysis of faith, worship, and love on (...)
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  12. Ein Rückblick auf “Den Mörder von nebenan” (The Murderer Next Door) von David Buss (2005) (Rückblick überarbeitet 2019).Michael Starks - 2020 - In Michael Richard Starks (ed.), Willkommen in der Hölle auf Erden: Babys, Klimawandel, Bitcoin, Kartelle, China, Demokratie, Vielfalt, Dysgenie, Gleichheit, Hacker, Menschenrechte, Islam, Liberalismus, Wohlstand, Internet, Chaos, Hunger, Krankheit, Gewalt, Künstliche Intelligenz, Krieg. Las Vegas, NV, USA: pp. 286-296.
    Obwohl dieser Band ein wenig datiert ist, gibt es nur wenige aktuelle populäre Bücher, die sich speziell mit der Psychologie des Mordes beschäftigen und es ist ein schneller Überblick für ein paar Dollar, also noch wert die Mühe. Es macht keinen Versuch, umfassend zu sein und ist stellenweise etwas oberflächlich, wobei der Leser erwartet, die Lücken aus seinen vielen anderen Büchern und der umfangreichen Literatur über Gewalt zu füllen. Für ein Update siehe z.B. Buss, The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology 2nd (...)
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  13. The Revolt Against Reason: Oswald Spengler and Violence as Cultural Preservative.Gregory Swer - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 4 (1):123-148.
    In The Decline of the West, Spengler argues that cultures have lifecycles. Although he warns that the end of Faustian (western) culture is nigh, Spengler suggests that the death of the culture might be forestalled if a rapprochement can be brought about between the technologized powers of Reason and the remains of cultural life. This portrayal of Reason as a salvific force seems to contradict Spengler’s typical depiction of Reason as a violent anti-cultural force. This paper reconstructs Spengler’s account of (...)
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  14. Bachelor Thesis: De Relatie Tussen Beeldvorming in de Media en de Nasleep van Onze ‘Vuile Oorlog’ in Indië – Chapter IV.Jan M. Van der Molen - Jul 3, 2018 - Dissertation, Amsterdam University
    In dit hoofdstuk presenteer ik de belangrijkste bevindingen en uitspraken uit mijn diepte-interviews met de respondenten. Ik geef hiermee antwoord op de deelvragen ‘Wat voor beeld wordt er gevormd in Nederlandse kranten over geweldpleging door de Staat in Nederlands-Indië?’, ‘Welk beeld in Nederlandse kranten is exemplarisch voor positieve of negatieve berichtgeving over geweldpleging door de Staat in Nederlands-Indië?’, ‘Wat zijn de belangrijkste reacties geweest van media, Staat of andere betrokkenen op de berichtgeving in kranten over Nederlandse oorlogsmisdaden in Indië?’ en (...)
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  15. Diferencia sexual, diferencia ideológica : Lecturas a contratiempo (Derrida lector de Marx y Althusser en la década de 1970 y más allá).Thomas Clément Mercier - 2019 - Demarcaciones 7.
    Este ensayo presenta una descripción de los escritos inéditos de Jacques Derrida sobre Marx y Louis Althusser en la década de 1970, y un estudio de conceptos como ideología, diferencia sexual, reproducción, violencia, dominación o hegemonía en perspectiva deconstructiva. Se trata de pensar en una otra economía, más allá de la economía del cuerpo propio. El artículo fue publicado en el Volumen 7 de la Revista Demarcaciones, "a 25 años de Espectros de Marx.".
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  16. Resisting Legitimacy: Weber, Derrida, and the Fallibility of Sovereign Power.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2016 - Global Discourse 6 (3):374-391.
    In this article, I engage with Derrida’s deconstructive reading of theories of performativity in order to analyse Max Weber’s sovereignty–legitimacy paradigm. First, I highlight an essential articulation between legitimacy and sovereign ipseity (understood, beyond the sole example of State sovereignty, as the autopositioned power-to-be-oneself). Second, I identify a more originary force of legitimation, which remains foreign to the order of performative ipseity because it is the condition for both its position and its deconstruction. This suggests an essential fallibility of the (...)
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