Instances of epistemic injustice elicit resistance, anger, despair, frustration or cognate emotional responses from their victims. This sort of response to the epistemic injustices that accompanied historical systems of oppression such as colonialism, for example, is normal. However, if their victims have internalised these oppressive situations, we could get the counterintuitive response of appreciation. In this paper, I argue for the phenomenon of appreciative silencing to make sense of instances like this. This is a form of epistemic silencing that happens (...) when the accepted hegemonic intuitions of the oppressed are formed/influenced by the ideologies of the oppressors over time. Here, we have a resilient, oppressive and hegemonic epistemic system. Put together, it creates a variant of epistemic injustice and silencing that is obscure since its victims are neither resistant nor aware of the injustice they face but are appreciative. (shrink)

The article suggests that the perceived ethics of curatorial practice are not often in balance with operative ethics, and analyses the problem by focusing on the curator-artist relationship. Contemporary art curators constantly find themselves in a situation where they have to choose between the needs of the few and the many. Counter-hegemony theory is used to examine the curator’s duty toward the many, while the reading of Jacque Derrida’s concept of responsibility toward an individual and Alain Badiou’s ‘singularity of situations’ (...) suggest that the few are to be considered first. In this article, I suggests that curators could learn to say no in order to be able to balance these different demands. (shrink)

This article investigates the ideologisation of Arab media discourse and takes as a case in point the ideological construction of the Gulf crisis in the headlines of Al Arabiya English and Al Jazeera English. A corpus of 515 headlines produced between May and June 2017 is examined using an interdisciplinary critical discourse analytic framework. Analysis is conducted at two levels: a textual level concerned with the analysis of the semantic and syntactic aspects of headlines and a socio-cognitive level informed by (...) insights from Van Dijk’s ideological square concept and his mental model theory and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Findings indicate that both platforms are ideologically biased toward the political perspectives of their host states, although in a lesser degree in Al Jazeera English, and also reveal the various discursive strategies used to construct subjective mental models and reference frames to guide readers understanding of the crisis. (shrink)

This paper argues that commitment to the Dominant Social Paradigm (DSP) in Western societies, which includes support for such ideologies as free enterprise, private property rights, economic individualism, and unlimited economic growth, poses a threat to progress in imposing greater standards of corporate environmental accountability. It is hypothesized that commitment to the DSP will be negatively correlated with support for the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) and support for corporate environmental accountability, and that belief in the NEP will be positively correlated (...) with support for corporate environmental accountability. The findings, based on a survey of MBA students, are generally consistent with the hypotheses. (shrink)

Gramsci’s concept of hegemony has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways, including a theory of consent, of political unity, of ‘anti-politics’, and of geopolitical competition. These interpretations are united in regarding hegemony as a general theory of political power and domination, and as deriving from a particular interpretation of the concept of passive revolution. Building upon the recent intense season of philological research on the Prison Notebooks, this article argues that the concept of hegemony is better understood as (...) a ‘dialectical chain’ composed of four integrally related ‘moments’: hegemony as social and political leadership, as a political project, as a hegemonic apparatus, and as the social and political hegemony of the workers’ movement. This alternative typology of hegemony provides both a sophisticated analysis of the emergence of modern state power and a theory of political organization of the subaltern social groups. This project is encapsulated in Gramsci’s notion of the formation of a ‘modern Prince’, conceived as both political party and civilizational process, which represents an emancipatory alternative to the dominant forms of political modernity. (shrink)

This article contributes to research in Political Corporate Social Responsibility (PCSR) by developing the idea of “political corporate social irresponsibility” (PCSiR). PCSiR occurs when corporations provide what are expected to be public goods but, in so doing, create or exacerbate public problems and diminish social welfare. We examine PCSiR through the case of a “garbage mountain” located near Tripoli City, Lebanon. This accumulation of solid waste is a potent symbol of the corporate failure in delivering contracted social services. We question (...) how and to what extent has the power and influence of political actors in Lebanon hindered environmental protection and sustainable business practices. In response, we investigate the relations between corporations, the state and civil society that led to the garbage mountain and corporate response to political activism. Drawing on a neo-Gramscian approach to PCSR, we show how an interplay of consent and coercion fosters effective PCSiR, shielding those in power from responsibility for their self-serving behavior. (shrink)

Multi-stakeholder initiatives have become a vital part of the organizational landscape for corporate social responsibility. Recent debates have explored whether these initiatives represent opportunities for the “democratization” of transnational corporations, facilitating civic participation in the extension of corporate responsibility, or whether they constitute new arenas for the expansion of corporate influence and the private capture of regulatory power. In this article, we explore the political dynamics of these new governance initiatives by presenting an in-depth case study of an organization often (...) heralded as a model MSI: the Forest Stewardship Council. An effort to address global deforestation in the wake of failed efforts to agree a multilateral convention on forests at the Rio Summit in 1992, the FSC was launched in 1993 as a non-state regulatory experiment: a transnational MSI, administering a global eco-labeling scheme for timber and forest products. We trace the scheme’s evolution over the past two decades, showing that while the FSC has successfully facilitated multi-sectoral determination of new standards for forestry, it has nevertheless failed to transform commercial forestry practices or stem the tide of tropical deforestation. Applying a neo-Gramscian analysis to the organizational evolution of the FSC, we examine how broader market forces and resource imbalances between non-governmental and market actors can serve to limit the effectiveness of MSIs in the current neo-liberal environment. This presents dilemmas for NGOs which can lead to their defection, ultimately undermining the organizational legitimacy of MSIs. (shrink)

This essay can be called, if you will, an exercise in choosing which words to use when in our contemporary context. I hope to add something useful to the work being done by Pierre Macherey (Machere...

Hegemonic gender role is specific configuration of different gender performances and practices that represents socially accepted answer on concrete circumstances within given society in particular historical moment. Analytical insight into their content and direction of change could provide us better understanding of other social structures and aspects of social life of society/ culture/sub cultural community/social group within which hegemonic gender role has been formulated and practicized. In that sense this research shell try to recognize them as a legitimate source of (...) data about societal process of structural transformation of Serbian society during the last two decades. (shrink)