Human dignity is one of the key concepts of our ethical evaluations, in politics, in biomedicine, as well as in everyday life. In moral philosophy, however, human dignity is a source of intractable trouble. It has a number of characteristic features which apparently do not fit into one coherent ethical concept. Hence, philosophers tend to ignore or circumvent the concept. There is hope for a philosophically attractive conception of human dignity, however, given that one takes three crucial turns. The negative (...) turn: to start the inquiry with violations of human dignity. The inductive turn: to consider the whole range of applications of the concept of human dignity in different areas of ethics. And finally, the historical turn: to take into account the historical bonds between human dignity and traditional conceptions of dignity. Taken together they point in the direction of an understanding of human dignity as universal nobility. (shrink)

Whether collective agency is a coherent concept depends on the theory of agency that we choose to adopt. We argue that the enactive theory of agency developed by Barandiaran, Di Paolo and Rohde (2009) provides a principled way of grounding agency in biological organisms. However the importance of biological embodiment for the enactive approach might lead one to be skeptical as to whether artificial systems or collectives of individuals could instantiate genuine agency. To explore this issue we contrast the concept (...) of collective agency with multi-agent systems and multi-system agents, and argue that genuinely collective agents instantiate agency at both the collective level and at the level of the component parts. Developing the enactive model, we propose understanding agency – both at the level of the individual and of the collective – as spectra that are constituted by dimensions that vary across time. Finally, we consider whether collectives that are not merely metaphorically ‘agents’ but rather are genuinely agentive also instantiate subjectivity at the collective level. We propose that investigations using the perceptual crossing paradigm suggest that a shared lived perspective can indeed emerge but this should not be conflated with a collective first-person perspective, for which material integration in a living body may be required. (shrink)

ABSTRACT:Increasingly, global businesses are confronted with the question of complicity in human rights violations committed by abusive host governments. This contribution specifically looks at silent complicity and the way it challenges conventional interpretations of corporate responsibility. Silent complicity implies that corporations have moral obligations that reach beyond the negative realm of doing no harm. Essentially, it implies that corporations have a moral responsibility to help protect human rights by putting pressure on perpetrating host governments involved in human rights abuses. This (...) is a controversial claim, which this contribution proposes to analyze with a view to understanding and determining the underlying conditions that need to be met in order for moral agents to be said to have such responsibilities in the category of the duty to protect human rights. (shrink)

Neoliberal globalization has not yielded the results it promised; global inequality has risen, poverty and hunger are still prevailing in large parts of this world. If this devastating situation shall be improved, economists must talk less about economic growth and more about people’s rights. The use of the language of rights will be key for making the economy work more in favor of the least advantaged in this world. Not only will it provide us with the vocabulary necessary to reframe (...) such pressing global problems and to find adequate economic solutions; it will also deliver the basis for deriving according duties and duty-bearers – the language of rights is congruent with the language of justice and as such it is inevitably and at the same time the language of obligations. The language of obligations exposes the multinational corporation as one of the main agents of justice in the global economy. Taking distributive justice as a starting point for reflection, a consistent derivation of the multinational’s moral obligations must focus on capabilities rather than on causality. This will lead to a shift from merely passive to active duties and accordingly to a stronger emphasis on the corporation’s contribution to the realization of positive rights. (shrink)

Neoliberal globalization has not yielded the results it promised; global inequality has risen, poverty and hunger are still prevailing in large parts of this world. If this devastating situation shall be improved, economists must talk less about economic growth and more about people's rights. The use of the language of rights will be key for making the economy work more in favor of the least advantaged in this world. Not only will it provide us with the vocabulary necessary to reframe (...) such pressing global problems and to find adequate economic solutions; it will also deliver the basis for deriving according duties and duty-bearers - the language of rights is congruent with the language of justice and as such it is inevitably and at the same time the language of obligations. The language of obligations exposes the multinational corporation as one of the main agents of justice in the global economy. Taking distributive justice as a starting point for reflection, a consistent derivation of the multinational's moral obligations must focus on capabilities rather than on causality. This will lead to a shift from merely passive to active duties and accordingly to a stronger emphasis on the corporation's contribution to the realization of positive rights. (shrink)

Obwohl seit einiger Zeit ein verstärktes Forschungsinteresse an Emmanuel Levinas’ Denken des Politischen, verbunden mit einer genaueren Inblicknahme der zentralen Begriffe des Dritten und der Gerechtigkeit aufgekommen ist, blieb bislang unklar, inwiefern aus Levinas’ intrinsisch ‚ethischem‘ Denken in konkreterer Weise normative Konsequenzen zu ziehen sind. Diesem Desiderat versucht der vorliegende Beitrag nachzukommen. Das Levinas’sche Gerechtigkeitsdenken wird dabei so eingeführt, dass es zugleich als alternativer Entwurf und als produktive kritische Provokation für gegenwärtige Gerechtigkeitstheorien lesbar wird. Ausgehend von einer Rekonstruktion des alteritären (...) Verständnisses ethischer Subjektivität, wie es Levinas insbesondere in Jenseits des Seins erarbeitet, wird ausgelotet, wie tragfähig Levinas’ ethische Konzeption plural alteritär durchfurchter Subjektivität für normative Gerechtigkeitsfragen ist. Aus einer Reflexion auf den Begriff des ‚Dritten‘ werden einige konkrete Konsequenzen für das Denken gerechter Institutionen gezogen. (shrink)

So-called activation policies aiming at bringing jobless people into work have been a central component of welfare reforms across OECD countries during the last decades. Such policies combine restrictive and enabling programs, but their characteristic feature is that enabling programs are also mandatory, and non-compliers are sanctioned. There are four main arguments that can be used to defend mandatory activation of benefit recipients. We label them efficiency, sustainability, paternalism, and justice. Each argument is analysed in turn. First we clarify which (...) standards it invokes, thereafter we evaluate each argument according to its own standards and introduce competing normative concerns that have to be taken into account. (shrink)

In this paper I argue that respect for human dignity establishes a justificatory presumption in favor of egalitarian rules, which presumption is applicable to the global economic association. This is the basis for condemning several feature of current global inequality as unjust.

Up to a certain age, young people are denied the right to vote. In this paper, it is argued that this general exclusion from democratic participation is unjustified and should be abandoned. After a short survey of some of the pedagogic, legal, and political arguments that have been brought forward to support a liberalisation of electoral law in favour of children, the essay presents a basic moral argument against any age limit with respect to voting rights. First of all, it (...) is argued that the right to vote is grounded in a fundamental claim of human beings to equal participation and, therefore, can be denied only for severe and cogent reasons. Subsequently, the essay purports to establish – and defends against objections – that there are no such reasons that sufficiently justify an age limit. The paper concludes with some remarks on practical consequences of the argument. (shrink)

Die Frage nach der Gerechtigkeit im Gesundheitswesen wird aus der Perspektive einer allgemeinen Theorie der Gerechtigkeit betrachtet. Diese Theorie ist ein Befähigungsansatz, der zwischen 1) der Grundversorgung aller Bürger mit Grundbefähigungen, 2) einem gerechten Anteil an den Früchten gesellschaftlicher Kooperation und 3) individuell erstrebten Gütern und Leistungen differenziert. Die Anwendung dieser Theorie reagiert auf charakteristische Probleme der Allokation im Gesundheitssektor: den prinzipiell ungedeckten Bedarf, die mangelnde Zurechenbarkeit des Bedarfes und die asymmetrische Informationsstruktur zwischen Patienten und Leistungserbringern.

ZusammenfassungDie Frage nach der Gerechtigkeit im Gesundheitswesen wird aus der Perspektive einer allgemeinen Theorie der Gerechtigkeit betrachtet. Diese Theorie ist ein Befähigungsansatz, der zwischen 1) der Grundversorgung aller Bürger mit Grundbefähigungen, 2) einem gerechten Anteil an den Früchten gesellschaftlicher Kooperation und 3) individuell erstrebten Gütern und Leistungen differenziert. Die Anwendung dieser Theorie reagiert auf charakteristische Probleme der Allokation im Gesundheitssektor: den prinzipiell ungedeckten Bedarf, die mangelnde Zurechenbarkeit des Bedarfes und die asymmetrische Informationsstruktur zwischen Patienten und Leistungserbringern.

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitrags ist es, die normativen Grundlagen des Inklusionsideals moderner Gesellschaften einer systematischen Klärung zu unterziehen. Die umfassende gesellschaftliche Teilhabe aller Bürger*innen ist eine zentrale Forderung sozialer Gerechtigkeit, auf die in der aktuellen Debatte mit dem Begriff der Teilhabegerechtigkeit Bezug genommen wird. Sie ist Ausdruck eines Inklusionsideals moderner Gesellschaften, wonach jedes Mitglied gleichberechtigt an ihr teilhaben soll. Diese Sichtweise knüpft an traditionelle Gerechtigkeitsdebatten an, fügt diesen aber einen neuen Gesichtspunkt hinzu. Befürworter gesellschaftlicher Teilhabegerechtigkeit berufen sich nämlich in der (...) ein oder anderen Form auf den grundlegenden Wert sozialer Inklusion. Allerdings ist die Aussage, dass Inklusion ein allseitig erstrebenswertes Gut ist, keineswegs trivial. Vielmehr muss von einem sozialphilosophischen Blickwinkel aus eine Begründung für den postulierten Wert sozialer Inklusion erbracht werden. Im Rahmen dieses Beitrags werde ich für zwei Thesen argumentieren: 1) Der Wert sozialer Inklusion ist nicht intrinsisch, sondern normativ von den zugrundeliegenden Praktiken, auf die sie sich bezieht, abhängig, und 2) eine ungleiche Verteilung von einzelnen Positionen einer sozialen Ordnung kann im Einzelfall moralisch zulässig sein, wenn damit die Situation aller Betroffenen langfristig verbessert wird. Eine gute inklusive Gesellschaft darf einzelne Personen und Gruppen nicht marginalisieren, sondern muss jeden gleichwertig behandeln. Das Ideal einer inklusiven Gesellschaft steht demnach für eine Gesellschaft, an der jedes Mitglied seinen individuellen Begabungen und Interessen entsprechend als Gleiche*r teilhat. Danach ist gesellschaftlicher Ausschluss moralisch falsch. Allerdings bedeutet vollwertige Mitgliedschaft nicht die möglichst umfassende Inklusion in alle lokalen Teilbereiche der Gesellschaft, sondern steht für gute, qualifizierte Teilhabe. This article aims to systematically clarifying the normative foundations of the ideal of full inclusion of modern societies. The comprehensive participation of all citizens is a central requirement of social justice, which is currently referred to as the concept of participatory justice. It is the expression of an ideal of inclusion for modern societies, according to which each member should be able to participate in it as an equal. This view builds on traditional debates about justice, but at the same time adds a new perspective to them. Proponents of social participation base their claims on, in one form or another, the fundamental value of social inclusion. However, the statement that social inclusion is a desirable good is by no means trivial. Rather, from a social philosophical point of view, this aspect must be developed in such a way that a justification for the purported value of social inclusion is provided. In the context of this paper, I will argue for two main theses: 1) The value of social inclusion is not intrinsically but normatively dependent on the underlying practices to which it refers, and 2) an unequal distribution of individual positions of a social order may be morally permissible, if it improves the situation of all affected. An adequately inclusive society should not marginalize individuals or groups, but must treat everyone as equal. The ideal of an inclusive society therefore stands for a society, in which every member participates in it as an equal on the basis of his or her individual talents and interests. Hence, exclusion from the society is morally wrong. However, full membership does not mean the most inclusive scheme possible in all sections of society, but rather stands for good, qualified participation. (shrink)

Ultimately this book provides a theory of intergenerational justice that is both intellectually robust and practical with wide applicability to law and policy.

Ordinary Language Philosophy has largely fallen out of favour, and with it the belief in the primary importance of analyses of ordinary language for philosophical purposes. Still, in their various endeavours, philosophers not only from analytic but also from other backgrounds refer to the use and meaning of terms of interest in ordinary parlance. In doing so, they most commonly appeal to their own linguistic intuitions. Often, the appeal to individual intuitions is supplemented by reference to dictionaries. In recent times, (...) Internet search engine queries for expressions of interest have become quite popular. Apparently, philosophers attempt to surpass the limits of their own linguistic intuitions by appealing to experts or to factual uses of language. I argue that this attempt is commendable but that its execution is wanting. Instead of appealing to dictionaries or Internet queries, philosophers should employ computer-based linguistic corpora in order to confirm or falsify hypotheses about the factual use of language. This approach also has some advantages over methods employed by experimental philosophers. If the importance of ordinary language is stressed, the use of linguistic corpora is hardly avoidable. (shrink)

Distributive egalitarians believe that distributive justice is to be explained by the idea of distributive equality (DE) and that DE is of intrinsic value. The socio-relational critique argues that distributive egalitarianism does not account for the “true” value of equality, which rather lies in the idea of “equality as a substantive social value” (ESV). This paper examines the socio-relational critique and argues that it fails because – contrary to what the critique presupposes –, first, ESV is not conceptually distinct from (...) DE, and second, the idea of ESV cannot serve as a “foundation” or “root” of distributive egalitarianism. (shrink)