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Republican Freedom and Contestatory Democratization

In Ian Shapiro & Casiano Hacker-Cordon (eds.), Democracy's Value. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 163-190 (1999)

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  1. Beyond Profit and Politics: Reciprocity and the Role of For-Profit Business.Brookes Brown - 2019 - Journal of Business Ethics 159 (1):239-251.
    Standard accounts of reciprocal citizenship hold that citizens have a duty to participate in politics. Against this, several business ethicists and philosophers have recently argued that people can satisfy their obligations of civic reciprocity non-politically, by owning, managing, or working in for-profit businesses. In this article, I reject both the standard and the market accounts of reciprocal citizenship. Against the market view, I show that the ordinary work of profit maximization cannot take the place of traditional political activity. Yet contra (...)
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  • Depoliticizing Democracy.Philip Pettit - 2004 - Ratio Juris 17 (1):52-65.
    It is now widely accepted as an ideal that democracy should be as deliberative as possible. Democracy should not involve a tussle between different interest groups or lobbies in which the numbers matter more than the arguments. And it should not be a system in which the only arguments that matter are those that voters conduct in an attempt to determine where their private or sectional advantage lies. Democracy, it is said, should promote public deliberation among citizens and authorities as (...)
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  • Freedom, Republicanism, and Workplace Democracy.Keith Breen - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):470-485.
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  • Démocratie Contestataire Ou Contestation de la Démocratie?Juliette Roussin - 2013 - Philosophiques 40 (2):369.
    Juliette Roussin | : Cet article a pour objet d’interroger la tendance actuelle des démocraties à s’entourer d’institutions indépendantes au fort degré de compétence en vue de limiter et de corriger les défaillances éventuelles des corps démocratiques élus et représentatifs. La légitimité démocratique de ces institutions contre-majoritaires leur viendrait, selon certains théoriciens de la démocratie, de ce qu’elles offrent la possibilité de contester les décisions collectives lorsque celles-ci sont mauvaises ou injustes, contribuant ainsi à l’amélioration globale des performances du régime (...)
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  • Taking Facts Seriously: Judicial Intervention in Public Health Controversies.Leticia Morales - 2015 - Public Health Ethics 8 (2):185-195.
    Courts play a key role in deciding on public health controversies, but the legitimacy of judicial intervention remains highly controversial. In this article I suggest that we need to carefully distinguish between different reasons for persistent disagreement in the domain of public health. Adjudicating between public health controversies rooted in factual disagreements allows us to investigate more closely the epistemic capacities of the judicial process. While the critics typically point out the lack of appropriate expertise of judges—in particular with respect (...)
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  • Republicanism as a Paradigm for Public Health--Some Comments.M. E. J. Nielsen - 2011 - Public Health Ethics 4 (1):40-52.
    Some theorists, worried about liberalism’s potential as a foundation for public health ethics, suggest that republicanism provides a better background of justification for public health policies, interventions, etc. In this article, this suggestion is put to the test, and it is argued that (i) contemporary (civic) republicanism and liberalism are not nearly as opposed as it is sometimes suggested, and that (ii) the kind of republicanism which one leading scholar in the field, Bruce Jennings, as an alternative to liberalism, does (...)
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  • Consensus, Legitimacy, and the Exercise of Judgement in Political Deliberation.Cillian McBride - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (3):104-128.
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  • Freedom and Political Form: On Philip Pettit’s Republican Theory of Democracy.Roland Axtmann - 2019 - Tandf: Critical Horizons 20 (1):20-39.
    Volume 20, Issue 1, February 2019, Page 20-39.
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  • Character Control and Historical Moral Responsibility.Eric Christian Barnes - 2016 - Philosophical Studies 173 (9):2311-2331.
    Some proponents of compatibilist moral responsibility have proposed an historical theory which requires that agents deploy character control in order to be morally responsible. An important type of argument for the character control condition is the manipulation argument, such as Mele’s example of Beth and Chuck. In this paper I show that Beth can be exonerated on various conditions other than her failure to execute character control—I propose a new character, Patty, who meets these conditions and is, I argue, morally (...)
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  • Injustiças epistêmicas, Dominação e Virtudes.Breno Ricardo Guimarães Santos - 2017 - In Felipe de Matos Muller & Kátia Martins Etcheverry (eds.), Ensaios sobre epistemologia do testemunho. Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil: pp. 143-172.
    ‘Injustiça epistêmica’ é o termo usado por Miranda Fricker para descrever um tipo de injustiça que ocorre quando excluímos a contribuição de uma ou mais pessoas à produção, disseminação e manutenção do conhecimento. Em seu livro de mesmo nome (2007), e em uma série de outros trabalhos, Fricker examina de que modo interações interpessoais e sistemas sociais estruturais podem ser responsáveis por influenciar nossa prática cotidiana, consciente ou não, de atribuir status epistêmico a membros de uma comunidade. Seu trabalho se (...)
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  • Cosmopolitan Corporate Responsibilities.Wim Vandekerckhove - 2010 - In Stan van Hooft & Wim Vandekerckhove (eds.), Questioning Cosmopolitanism. Springer. pp. 199--209.
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  • Why Toleration Is Not the Appropriate Response to Dissenting Minorities' Claims.Emanuela Ceva - 2015 - European Journal of Philosophy 23 (3):633-651.
    For many liberal democrats toleration has become a sort of pet-concept, to which appeal is made in the face of a myriad issues related to the treatment of minorities. Against the inflationary use of toleration, whether understood positively as recognition or negatively as forbearance, I argue that toleration may not provide the conceptual and normative tools to understand and address the claims for accommodation raised by at least one kind of significant minority: democratic dissenting minorities. These are individuals, or aggregates (...)
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  • Machiavelli at 500: From Cynic to Vigilant Supporter of International Law.Andreas Follesdal - 2015 - Ratio Juris 28 (2):242-251.
    Machiavelli's 500-year-old treatise The Prince outlined the central features of the realist tradition in international relations. His premises led him to question the likelihood of efficacious and stable international law and international courts, a skepticism that has present-day proponents. Machiavelli's reluctance was due to a combination of features of human nature and a focus on anarchic features of the relations among states. This article challenges these assumptions and implications: Other interpretations of human nature are closer to Machiavelli's text, and current (...)
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  • Rights as Democracy.Richard Bellamy - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (4):449-471.
    Like many rights theorists, Peter Jones regards rights as lying outside politics and providing constraints upon it. However, he also concedes that rights are matters of reasonable disagreement and that, as a matter of fairness, disputes about them ought to be resolved democratically. In this paper I develop these concessions to argue that rights require democratic justification and that this can only be provided via a real democratic process in which those involved ?hear the other side?. I relate this argument (...)
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  • Lucretia and the Impossibility of Female Republicanism in Margaret Cavendish's Sociable Letters.Sandrine Bergès - 2018 - Hypatia 33 (4):663-680.
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  • Political Rights, Republican Freedom, and Temporary Workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  • The Two Faces of Domination in Republican Political Theory.Michael J. Thompson - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):1474885115580352.
    I propose a theory of domination derived from republican political theory that is in contrast to the neo-republican theory of domination as arbitrary interference and domination as dependence. I suggest that, drawing on of the writings of Machiavelli and Rousseau, we can see two faces of domination that come together to inform social relations. One type of domination is extractive dominance where agents are able to derive surplus benefit from another individual, group, or collective resource, natural or human. Another is (...)
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  • Non-Domination, Non-Normativity and Neo-Republican Politics.Andreas Busen - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):407-423.
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  • Global Democracy in a Society of Peoples.Andrew Walton - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (6):577-598.
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  • Non-Domination and Democratic Legitimacy.Christian F. Rostbøll - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):424-439.
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  • Freedom as Non-Domination: Radicalisation or Retreat?Cillian McBride - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):349-374.
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