One hundred and three participants solved conflict and non-conflict versions of four reasoning tasks using a two-response procedure: a base rate task, a causal reasoning task, a denominator neglect task, and a categorical syllogisms task. Participants were asked to give their first, intuitive answer, to make a Feeling of Rightness judgment, and then were given as much time as needed to rethink their answer. They also completed a standardized measure of IQ and the actively open-minded thinking questionnaire. The FORs of (...) both high- and low-capacity reasoners were responsive to conflict, such that FORs were lower for conflict relative to non-conflict problems. Consistent with the quantity hypothesis, high-capacity reasoners made a greater distinction between conflict and non-conflict items on measures of Type 2 thinking, namely, rethinking time and probability of changing answers. In contrast to the quality hypothesis, however, this rethinking time did not advantage the ability of the high-capacity group to produce normative answers, except for the base rate task. Indeed, we observed that the correlation between capacity and the probability of normative answers emerged at the initial response, rather than after rethinking. (shrink)

The overwhelming majority of those who theorize about implicit biases posit that these biases are caused by some sort of association. However, what exactly this claim amounts to is rarely specified. In this paper, I distinguish between different understandings of association, and I argue that the crucial senses of association for elucidating implicit bias are the cognitive structure and mental process senses. A hypothesis is subsequently derived: if associations really underpin implicit biases, then implicit biases should be modulated by counterconditioning (...) or extinction but should not be modulated by rational argumentation or logical interventions. This hypothesis is false; implicit biases are not predicated on any associative structures or associative processes but instead arise because of unconscious propositionally structured beliefs. I conclude by discussing how the case study of implicit bias illuminates problems with popular dual-process models of cognitive architecture. (shrink)

Uno de los incuestionables aportes teóricos de Marx fue la clara delimitación del papel fundamental que desempeña la vida humana en la sociedad y en su historia. La aparente acumulación caótica de acontecimientos que hacen parte de la historia sólo adquiere un sentido y se aproxima a una determinada lógica (plural, diversa, si se quiere, pero lógica al fin) si se vincula al proceso real de la vida de los seres humanos. Si Darwin había encontrado en la vida (en particular, (...) en la lucha por la existencia) la clave para explicar la evolución de las especies, Marx también adjudicaría a la vida la llave explicativa de la historia. No había nada casual en ello. La vida es un atributo compartido por las plantas, los animales y los humanos. Todos son seres vivos y, como tales, portadores de un impulso vital hacia la autoconservación. Dicho impulso responde a una ley universal de la vida, sin la cual ésta no podría existir. De ese impulso se derivan las necesidades y la acción dirigida a su satisfacción, garantes de la imprescindible relación metabólica con el medio exterior... (shrink)

Fairness, the notion that people deserve or have rights to certain resources or kinds of treatment, is a fundamental dimension of moral cognition. Drawing on recent evidence from economics, psychology, and neuroscience, we ask whether self-interest is always intuitive, requiring self-control to override with reasoning-based fairness concerns, or whether fairness itself can be intuitive. While we find strong support for rejecting the notion that self-interest is always intuitive, the literature has reached conflicting conclusions about the neurocognitive systems underpinning fairness. We (...) propose that this disagreement can largely be resolved in light of an extended Social Heuristics Hypothesis. Divergent findings may be attributed to the interpretation of behavioral effects of ego depletion or neurostimulation, reverse inference from brain activity to the underlying psychological process, and insensitivity to social context and inter-individual differences. To better dissect the neurobiological basis of fairness, we outline how future research should embrace cross-disciplinary methods that combine psychological manipulations with neuroimaging, and that can probe inter-individual, and cultural heterogeneities. (shrink)

Se aborda el tema de la centralidad de la vida en el proyecto de Buen Vivir. Se busca argumentar en qué consiste esa centralidad, el lugar que ocupa en ella la vida humana en conexión con otras formas de vida. Se aborda el polémico asunto del antropocentrismo y se critican algunas posturas abstractas y falaces sobre el tema.

For several years I have been developing a general theory of logics that I have called Universal Logic. In this article I will try to describe how I was led to this theory and how I have progressively conceived it, starting my researches about ten years ago in Paris in paraconsistent logic and the broadening my horizons, pursuing my researches in Brazil, Poland and the USA.