In this book, T. M. Scanlon offers new answers to these questions, as they apply to the central part of morality that concerns what we owe to each other.

As I write this, in November 1971, people are dying in East Bengal from lack of food, shelter, and medical caxc. The suffering and death that are occurring there now axe not inevitable, 1101; unavoidable in any fatalistic sense of the term. Constant poverty, a cyclone, and a civil war have turned at least nine million people into destitute refugees; nevertheless, it is not beyond Lhe capacity of the richer nations to give enough assistance to reduce any further suffering to (...) very small proportions. The decisions arid actions of human beings can prevent this kind of suffering. Unfortunately, human beings have not made the necessary decisions. At the individual level, people have, with very few exceptions, not responded to the situation in any signihczmt way. Generally speaking, people have not given large sums to relief funds; they have not written t0 their parliamentaxy representatives demanding increased government assistance; they have not demonstrated in the streets, held symbolic fasts, or done anything else directed toward providing thc refugees with the means to satisfy their essential needs. At thc government level, no govcrmmcnt has given the sort of massive aid that would enable the refugees to survive fm: more than a few days. Britain, for instance, has given rather more than most countries. It has, to date, given £14,750,000. For comparative purposes, B1~itain’s share of thc nonreccverabla development costs of the Anglo-French Concorde project is already in excess of £275,000,000, and on present estimates will reach £440,000,¤00. The implication is that the British government values a supersonic transport more than thirty times as.. (shrink)

Heidegger pertenece a la historia del lenguaje y de la literatura tanto como a la de la ontolog a, de la epistemolog a fenomenol gica o de la est tica (tal vez ...

Jürgen Habermas a fait le constat que « Schelling n’est pas un penseur politique ». Il n’a laissé en effet aucun traité systématique de philosophie politique, rien de comparable en tout cas à la Grundlage des Naturrechts et à la Rechtslehre de Fichte, ni aux Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts de Hegel. Nous faisons ici l’hypothèse que son désintérêt pour la politique est lié au sens négatif que Schelling a très tôt attribué à la sphère du droit, faisant de l’État (...) et du droit des institutions de la limitation et de la contrainte. Schelling a maintenu cette thèse jusqu’à sa dernière philosophie qui voit dans la soumission à une contrainte étatique toujours croissante le moyen pour l’humanité d’expier sa faute originelle. Une seule période de la pensée schellingienne fait exception à ce pessimisme politique : c’est, de 1801 à 1806, la période de l’Identité où la politique est valorisée au point qu’une identité est posée entre la philosophie et le politeuein. Mais ces années sont aussi celles du travail commun avec Hegel : si l’influence de Schelling sur Hegel fut métaphysique, celle de Hegel sur Schelling fut essentiellement politique.Jürgen Habermas did notice that « Schelling is no political thinker ». It is a fact that Schelling did not publish any important and systematic work on politics, which could be compared with Fichte’s Grundlage des Naturrechts or Hegel’s Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. We do here the supposition that Schelling’s disinterest for politics has something to do with his very early negative interpretation of law and state as institutions of limitation and constrain. Schelling did maintain this up to his late philosophie which consider the constantly growing constrain of State in history as means for humanity to expiate the original sin. In only one period we can find by Schelling a valorization of politics : during the period of Identity , Schelling thought expressly an identity between philosophie and politeuein. Seeing that these years are those of the closest collaboration between Hegel and Schelling, so we can state Hegel’s political influence on Schelling, in return of Schelling’s well known metaphysical influence on Hegel. (shrink)

'... diese 'Einführung in die Metaphysik' [ist] echte Einführung in Heidegger... keines der Werke Heideggers [ist] so lebendig zu lesen und so unmittelbar aufzufassen...' Universitas 4 (1954) 'Unter dem Titel dieser Vorlesung aus dem Jahre 1935 verbirgt sich in Wirklichkeit eine große Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundlagen unserer planetarischen Situation.' Süddeutsche Zeitung vom 7./8.11.1953.

Die 'Beiträge zur Philosophie. Vom Ereignis' dürfen mit Fug und Recht nach 'Sein und Zeit' als das zweite Hauptwerk Heideggers bezeichnet werden. Denn sie enthalten nach der fundamentalontologischen Ausarbeitung der Seinsfrage in 'Sein und Zeit' die erste Durchgestaltung des seinsgeschichtlichen Weges derselben Frage. Das seinsgeschichtliche Denken entfaltet das Wesen des Seins nicht mehr im Überstieg (Transzendenz) über das Seiende auf dessen Wahrheit hin (Horizont), sondern im Vollzug des ereigneten Entwurfs aus dem ereignenden Zuwurf der Wahrheit des Seins. 'Ereignis' ist der (...) Name für die Zusammengehörigkeit der ereignend sich zuwerfenden Wahrheit und des ereigneten Seinsentwurfes das Da-seins. Die 'Beiträge zur Philosophie' sind das Werk, in dem sich das Denken der im 'Brief über den Humanismus' genannten 'Kehre' vollzieht. (shrink)

Il s'agit de contourner l'interdit kantien jeté sur l'intuition intellectuelle et de réhabiliter la connaissance de l'absolu, mais la transformation de l'intuition intellectuelle en extase n'est autre que la confrontation de la raison à l'extériorité et le refus de l'autofondation idéaliste. L'extase est avant tout celle de l'être divin : Dieu n'est libre que s'il court le risque de se perdre en créant un être véritablement différent de lui, capable de le nier ; elle est aussi celle de la conscience (...) humaine, d'abord à travers la mythologie, aliénation, puis guérison de l'homme dans son rapport au divin, enfin à travers la philosophie qui doit reconnaître le caractère extatique de la raison elle-même. A travers la structure extatique se jouent alors les rapports ambigus et féconds de Schelling avec la philosophie moderne ; s'il apparaît comme un précurseur des philosophes de l'existence, de la liberté humaine dans son indépendance vis-à-vis de l'absolu, c'est en vertu de l'absolu lui-même, qui refuse de laisser le dernier mot à une existence autofondatrice. (shrink)

David Miller is right that weak cosmopolitanism is undistinctive and strong cosmopolitanism implausibly curtails associative duties. But there are intermediate views that avoid both of these problems. One such view holds that compatriotism makes no difference to our most important negative duties and that among these is the duty not to impose unjust social institutions upon other human beings. On this view, our duty not to impose an unjust institutional order on foreigners is exactly as stringent as our duty not (...) to impose an unjust institutional order upon our compatriots. This view is not trivial; it has important consequences for our moral responsibilities in the world as it is. And it is compatible with associative duties insofar as these increase what we owe to some without decreasing what we owe to persons at large. (shrink)

The Global Fund is a mechanism for the global application of the Left Libertarian conception of distributive justice. As a form of luck egalitarianism, this conception confers upon each person an entitlement to an equal share of all natural resource values, since natural resources - broadly, geographical sites - are objects for the production of which no person is responsible. Owners of these sites, i.e. states, are liable to a 100% Global Fund tax on their unimproved value: that is, their (...) gross market value minus the value of the improvements added to them by human effort. It is argued that the revenue yielded by this tax would be correspondingly reduced by a further tax on the use of natural resources. (shrink)

Two of the greatest challenges facing humanity are environmental degradation and the persistence of poverty. Both can be met by instituting a Global Resources Dividend (GRD) that would slow pollution and natural-resource depletion while collecting funds to avert poverty worldwide. Unlike Hillel Steiner's Global Fund, which is presented as a fully just regime governing the use of planetary resources, the GRD is meant as merely a modest but widely acceptable and therefore realistic step toward justice. Paula Casal has set forth (...) various ways in which this step might be improved upon. Solid counter-arguments can be given to her criticisms and suggestions. But to specify the best (effective and realizable) design of an appropriate global institutional mechanism with some confidence, economists, political scientists, jurists, environmental scientists, and activists would need to be drawn in to help think through the immense empirical and political complexities posed by this urgent task. (shrink)

Ethical theories normally make room both for global duties to human beings everywhere and special duties to those we are attached to in some way. Such a split-level view requires us to specify the kind of attachment that can ground special duties, and to explain the comparative force of the two kinds of duties in cases of conflict. Special duties are generated within groups that are intrinsically valuable and not inherently unjust, where the duties can be shown to be integral (...) to relationships within the group. Since nations can be shown to meet these conditions, acknowledging special obligations towards compatriots is justified. However for such partiality to be reasonable, it must be balanced against recognition of duties of global justice. These duties include duties to respect human rights and duties of fairness towards non-nationals. Weighing such duties against domestic duties of social justice is not a simple task, and the outcome should depend on the precise specification of the duty at stake. In particular, the duty to respect human rights fragments into four sub-duties whose force when set against local duties is markedly different. (shrink)

Virginia Held assesses the ethics of care as a promising alternative to the familiar moral theories that serve so inadequately to guide our lives. The ethics of care is only a few decades old, yet it is by now a distinct moral theory or normative approach to the problems we face. It is relevant to global and political matters as well as to the personal relations that can most clearly exemplify care. This book clarifies just what the ethics of care (...) is: what its characteristics are, what it holds, and what it enables us to do. It discusses the feminist roots of this moral approach and why the ethics of care can be a morality with universal appeal. Held examines what we mean by "care," and what a caring person is like. Where other moral theories demand impartiality above all, the ethics of care understands the moral import of our ties to our families and groups. It evaluates such ties, focusing on caring relations rather than simply on the virtues of individuals. The book proposes how such values as justice, equality, and individual rights can "fit together" with such values as care, trust, mutual consideration, and solidarity. In the second part of the book, Held examines the potential of the ethics of care for dealing with social issues. She shows how the ethics of care is more promising than Kantian moral theory and utilitarianism for advice on how expansive, or not, markets should be, and on when other values than market ones should prevail. She connects the ethics of care with the rising interest in civil society, and considers the limits appropriate for the language of rights. Finally, she shows the promise of the ethics of care for dealing with global problems and seeing anew the outlines of international civility. (shrink)

In this work, the author has fashioned out of the logical and linguistic theses of his earlier books a full-scale but readily intelligible account of moral argument.

World Ethics: The New Agenda identifies different ways of thinking about ethics, and of thinking ethically about international and global relations. It also considers several theories of world ethics in the context of issues such as war and peace, world poverty, the environment and the United Nations. The discussion is grounded in an awareness of the post-9/11 world in which we live and offers a more detailed exploration of the idea of global citizenship and a global or cosmopolitan ethic.

Thomas Pogge's Global Resources Dividend relies on a flat tax on the use of natural resources to fund the eradication of world poverty. Hillel Steiner's Global Fund taxes the full rental value of owned natural resources and distributes the proceeds equally. The paper compares the Dividend and the Fund and defends the Global Share, a novel proposal that taxes either use or ownership, does so (when possible) progressively, and distributes the revenue according to a prioritarian rather than a sufficientarian or (...) egalitarian principle. (shrink)

In 1972, the young philosopher Peter Singer published "Famine, Affluence and Morality," which rapidly became one of the most widely discussed essays in applied ethics. Through this article, Singer presents his view that we have the same moral obligations to those far away as we do to those close to us. He argued that choosing not to send life-saving money to starving people on the other side of the earth is the moral equivalent of neglecting to save drowning children because (...) we prefer not to muddy our shoes. If we can help, we must--and any excuse is hypocrisy. Singer's extreme stand on our moral obligations to others became a powerful call to arms and continues to challenge people's attitudes towards extreme poverty. Today, it remains a central touchstone for those who argue we should all help others more than we do. As Bill and Melinda Gates observe in their foreword, in the age of today's global philanthropy, Singer's essay is as relevant now as it ever was. This attractively packaged, concise edition collects the original article, two of Singer's more recent popular writings on our obligations to others around the world, and a new introduction by Singer that discusses his current thinking. (shrink)

Von Peter Sloterdijk kann man zu Recht sagen, daß jeder seiner Aufsätze, jeder seiner Vorträge auch ein ungeschriebenes Buch ist.

Nazi Party records show that Martin Heidegger was an active member up to 1945. Discusses Heidegger's activities at the University of Freiburg and reveals that his resignation from the post of rector in 1934 was a result of factional struggles within the Nazi Party. During his rectorate, Jewish instructors were expelled and the teaching of race theories instituted. However, Heidegger defended two Jewish professors against expulsion because of their scientific achievements. His first article (1910) was written in honor of the (...) 17th century Austrian court preacher Abraham a Santa Clara, a violent antisemite. Heidegger's early writings show a progressive articulation of authoritarian, antisemitic, and extreme nationalist thought. He adopted Nazism out of conviction, not opportunism, and even after 1945 continued to justify its philosophic essence. In 1964 he published another article praising Abraham a Santa Clara (without referring directly to his antisemitism). (shrink)

Almost every country today contains adherents of different religions and different secular conceptions of the good life. Is there any alternative to a power struggle among them, leading most probably to either civil war or repression? The argument of this book is that justice as impartiality offers a solution. According to the theory of justice as impartiality, principles of justice are those principles that provide a reasonable basis for the unforced assent of those subject to them. The object of this (...) book is to set the theory out, explain its rationale, and respond to a variety of criticism that have been made of it. As the second volume of his work-in-progress, A Treatise on Social Justice, this work lies at the heart of a thriving academic debate which the author has played a key role in shaping. (shrink)

Besinnung (1938/39) ist die erste von jenen vier Abhandlungen, die im Anschluss an die Beitrage zur Philosophie (Vom Ereignis) die Aufgabe ubernehmen, den Bereich des seinsgeschichtlichen Denkens, der in den Beitragen zur Philosophie seine erste Durchgestaltung als sechsfach gefugter Aufriss erhalten hat, als ganzen fragend zu eroffnen. Das als Besinnung sich verstehende seinsgeschichtliche Denken eroffnet die Lichtung des Seyns als Ereignis, worin sich die Entgegnung des Gottes und des Menschen mit dem Streit der Erde und der Welt kreuzt. Die Ereignung (...) der Entgegnung und des Streites geschieht als Austrag. Besinnung vollzieht sich aber als das Fragen der seinsgeschichtlichen Seinsfrage in der Auseinandersetzung mit der metaphysischen Seinsfrage. Weil die Besinnung nicht nur wie andere Schriften einzelne Fragen aus dem Ganzen des Ereignis-Denkens heraushebt, sondern dieses Ganze selbst fragend eroffnet, ist sie nachst den Beitragen zur Philosophie ein weiteres Hauptwerk des ereignisgeschichtlichen Denkens. Im Anhang kommt ebenfalls erstmals aus dem Nachlass ein 1937/38 geschriebener Ruckblick auf den Weg zum Abdruck, in dessen erstem Abschnitt Mein bisheriger Weg Heidegger seinen Gang von der Dissertation bis zu den Beitragen zur Philosophie uberdenkt. Im zweiten Abschnitt Uber die Bewahrung des Versuchten gibt er einen Uberblick uber seinen unveroffentlichten Nachlass, teilt diesen siebenfach ein in: Vorlesungen, Vortrage, Aufzeichnungen zu den Ubungen, Vorarbeiten zum Werk, Notizbucher, Arbeiten zu Holderlin, Vom Ereignis (Beitrage zur Philosophie) und fugt jedem dieser Nachlassteile ausserst aufschlussreiche Erlauterungen hinzu. (shrink)

In the seventeenth century, a vision arose which was to captivate the Western imagination for the next three hundred years: the vision of Cosmopolis, a society as rationally ordered as the Newtonian view of nature. While fueling extraordinary advances in all fields of human endeavor, this vision perpetuated a hidden yet persistent agenda: the delusion that human nature and society could be fitted into precise and manageable rational categories. Stephen Toulmin confronts that agenda—its illusions and its consequences for our present (...) and future world. "By showing how different the last three centuries would have been if Montaigne, rather than Descartes, had been taken as a starting point, Toulmin helps destroy the illusion that the Cartesian quest for certainty is intrinsic to the nature of science or philosophy."—Richard M. Rorty, University of Virginia "[Toulmin] has now tackled perhaps his most ambitious theme of all.... His aim is nothing less than to lay before us an account of both the origins and the prospects of our distinctively modern world. By charting the evolution of modernity, he hopes to show us what intellectual posture we ought to adopt as we confront the coming millennium."—Quentin Skinner, New York Review of Books. (shrink)

This introduction to the aesthetics and sociology of music of the German philosopher and music theorist T. W. Adorno is the only book to deal comprehensively with this topic and it has quickly established itself as a classic text.

An account of the emergence and disintegration of.

Propose une étude sur une période particulière de l'histoire du philosophe, celle de sa compromission avec le nazisme en 1933.

This is the text of The Lindley Lecture for 1984, given by Alasdair Maclntyre, a Scottish philosopher.

This book is a collection of eleven essays by one of the most interesting moral philosophers currently writing. It examines challenges to liberal thought posed by the changing circumstances of the modern world such as the conflicting tendencies toward global integration, and greater ethnic and communal identification. The author considers whether liberal principles of justice can accommodate social and global interdependencies while reaffirming the importance of individual responsibility and acknowledging the significance of people's diverse personal and communal allegiances.

Which political principles should govern global politics? In his new book, Simon Caney engages with the work of philosophers, political theorists, and international relations scholars in order to examine some of the most pressing global issues of our time. Are there universal civil, political, and economic human rights? Should there be a system of supra- state institutions? Can humanitarian intervention be justified?