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  1. Conflicts of Interest, Institutional Corruption, and Pharma: An Agenda for Reform.Marc A. Rodwin - 2012 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 40 (3):511-522.
    Why do physicians have financial conflicts of interest? They arise because society expects physicians to act in their patients’ interest, while simultaneously, financial incentives encourage physicians to practice medicine in ways that promote their own interests or those of third parties. Because physicians’ clinical choices, referrals, and prescriptions affect the fortune of third parties, these third parties may offer physicians financial incentives to make income-driven clinical choices. In the past, physicians and scholars typically conceived of conflicts of interest as an (...)
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  • Drug Firms, the Codification of Diagnostic Categories, and Bias in Clinical Guidelines.Lisa Cosgrove & Emily E. Wheeler - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):644-653.
    The profession of medicine is predicated upon an ethical mandate: first do no harm. However, critics charge that the medical profession’s culture and its public health mission are being undermined by the pharmaceutical industry’s wide-ranging influence. In this article, we analyze how drug firms influence psychiatric taxonomy and treatment guidelines such that these resources may serve commercial rather than public health interests. Moving beyond a conflict-ofinterest model, we use the conceptual and normative framework of institutional corruption to examine how organized (...)
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  • Understanding Pharmaceutical Research Manipulation in the Context of Accounting Manipulation.Abigail Brown - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):611-619.
    Good decision-making requires reliable information. In medicine, relevant information comes from clinical trials and other forms of scientific research. In business, one source is in corporate annual financial statements. As for-profit, publicly traded companies whose business is discovering, manufacturing, and marketing drugs, pharmaceutical companies sit at the nexus of these two fields. Determining the safety and efficacy of a pharmaceutical product and determining the profitability of a complex enterprise are similarly difficult tasks: each is fraught with deeply ambiguous information that (...)
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  • Patient Advocacy Organizations: Institutional Conflicts of Interest, Trust, and Trustworthiness.Susannah L. Rose - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):680-687.
    Patient advocacy organizations provide patient- and caregiver-oriented education, advocacy, and support services. PAOs are formally organized nonprofit groups that concern themselves with medical conditions or potential medical conditions and have a mission and take actions that seek to help people affected by those medical conditions or to help their families. Examples of PAOs include the American Cancer Society, the National Alliance on Mental Illness, and the American Heart Association. These organizations advocate for, and provide services to, millions of people with (...)
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  • Corruption of Pharmaceutical Markets: Addressing the Misalignment of Financial Incentives and Public Health.Marc-André Gagnon - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):571-580.
    This article argues that the misalignment of private profit-maximizing objectives with public health needs causes institutional corruption in the pharmaceutical sector and systematically leads firms to act contrary to public heath. The article analyzes how financial incentives generate a business model promoting harmful practices and explores several means of realigning financial incentives in order to foster therapeutic innovation and promote the rational use of medicines.
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  • Institutional Corruption of Pharmaceuticals and the Myth of Safe and Effective Drugs.Donald W. Light, Joel Lexchin & Jonathan J. Darrow - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):590-600.
    Institutional corruption is a normative concept of growing importance that embodies the systemic dependencies and informal practices that distort an institution’s societal mission. An extensive range of studies and lawsuits already documents strategies by which pharmaceutical companies hide, ignore, or misrepresent evidence about new drugs; distort the medical literature; and misrepresent products to prescribing physicians. We focus on the consequences for patients: millions of adverse reactions. After defining institutional corruption, we focus on evidence that it lies behind the epidemic of (...)
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  • Five Un-Easy Pieces of Pharmaceutical Policy Reform.Marc A. Rodwin - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):581-589.
    The federal government indirectly subsidizes the pharmaceutical industry by funding basic research, various tax credits and deductions, patent rules, grants of market exclusivity, and other means, in order to spur drug development, promote public health, and improve medical care. But today, the pharmaceutical industry often neglects these goals and sometimes even undermines them, due to what Lawrence Lessig refers to as institutional corruption — that is, widespread or systemic practices, usually legal, that undermine an institution’s objectives or integrity. A key (...)
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  • Drug Advertising, Continuing Medical Education, and Physician Prescribing: A Historical Review and Reform Proposal.Marc A. Rodwin - 2010 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 38 (4):807-815.
    Public policy tries to promote appropriate drug use by allowing firms to market drugs in interstate commerce only for uses that the Food and Drug Administration has found to be safe and effective. Because of their medical knowledge, physicians are authorized to prescribe drugs even for uses unapproved by the FDA. Nevertheless, physicians have relied on drug firms for information on appropriate prescribing despite the inherent tension between drug firm dissemination of information to promote sales and rational prescribing. In the (...)
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  • Key Opinion Leaders and the Corruption of Medical Knowledge: What the Sunshine Act Will and Won’t Cast Light on.Sergio Sismondo - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):635-643.
    The pharmaceutical industry, in its marketing efforts, often turns to “key opinion leaders” or “KOLs” to disseminate scientific information. Drawing on the author's fieldwork, this article documents and examines the use of KOLs in pharmaceutical companies’ marketing efforts. Partly due to the use of KOLs, a small number of companies with well-defined and narrow interests have inordinate influence over how medical knowledge is produced, circulated, and consumed. The issue here, as in many other cases of institutional corruption, is that a (...)
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  • Drug Advertising, Continuing Medical Education, and Physician Prescribing: A Historical Review and Reform Proposal.Marc A. Rodwin - 2010 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 38 (4):807-815.
    Through the 1960s, many people claimed that drug advertising was educational and physicians often relied on it. Continuing Medical Education (CME) was developed to provide an alternative. However, because CME relied on grants, industry funders chose the subjects offered. Now policymakers worry that drug firms support CME to promote sales and that commercial support biases prescribing and fosters inappropriate drug use. A historical review reveals parallel problems between advertising and industry-funded CME. To preclude industry influence and improve CME, we should (...)
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  • Understanding Pharmaceutical Research Manipulation in the Context of Accounting Manipulation.Abigail Brown - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):611-619.
    The problem of the manipulation of data that arises when there is both opportunity and incentive to mislead is better accepted and studied — though by no means solved — in financial accounting than in medicine. This article analyzes pharmaceutical company manipulation of medical research as part of a broader problem of corporate manipulation of data in the creation of accounting profits. The article explores how our understanding of accounting fraud and misinformation helps us understand the risk of similar information (...)
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  • Corruption of Pharmaceutical Markets: Addressing the Misalignment of Financial Incentives and Public Health.Marc-André Gagnon - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):571-580.
    This paper explains how the current architecture of the pharmaceutical markets has created a misalignment of financial incentives and public health that is a central cause of harmful practices. It explores three possible solutions to address that misalignment: taxes, increased financial penalties, and drug pricing based on value. Each proposal could help to partly realign financial incentives and public health. However, because of the limits of each proposal, there is no easy solution to fixing the problem of financial incentives.
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  • Institutional Corruption of Pharmaceuticals and the Myth of Safe and Effective Drugs.Donald W. Light, Joel Lexchin & Jonathan J. Darrow - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):590-600.
    Over the past 35 years, patients have suffered from a largely hidden epidemic of side effects from drugs that usually have few offsetting benefits. The pharmaceutical industry has corrupted the practice of medicine through its influence over what drugs are developed, how they are tested, and how medical knowledge is created. Since 1906, heavy commercial influence has compromised congressional legislation to protect the public from unsafe drugs. The authorization of user fees in 1992 has turned drug companies into the FDA's (...)
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  • Five Un‐Easy Pieces of Pharmaceutical Policy Reform.Marc A. Rodwin - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):581-589.
    Improper dependencies slant policy over a drug's life span, biasing the development of new drugs, the testing and marketing approval for new drugs, and the monitoring of patient safety after drugs are marketed. This article examines five ways in which the public improperly depends on pharmaceutical firms that compromise the integrity of pharmaceutical policy. Today the public relies on pharmaceutical firms: (1) to set priorities on drug research and development; (2) to conduct clinical trials to test whether drugs are safe (...)
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  • Drug Firms, the Codification of Diagnostic Categories, and Bias in Clinical Guidelines.Lisa Cosgrove & Emily E. Wheeler - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):644-653.
    The possibility that industry is exerting an undue influence on the culture of medicine has profound implications for the profession's public health mission. Policy analysts, investigative journalists, researchers, and clinicians have questioned whether academic-industry relationships have had a corrupting effect on evidence-based medicine. Psychiatry has been at the heart of this epistemic and ethical crisis in medicine. This article examines how commercial entities, such as pharmaceutical companies, influence psychiatric taxonomy and treatment guidelines. Using the conceptual framework of institutional corruption, we (...)
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  • Patient Advocacy Organizations: Institutional Conflicts of Interest, Trust, and Trustworthiness.Susannah L. Rose - 2013 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 41 (3):680-687.
    Patient advocacy organizations (PAOs) advocate for increased research funding and policy changes and provide services to patients and their families. Given their credibility and political clout, PAOs are often successful in changing policies, increasing research funding, and increasing public awareness of medical conditions and the problems of their constituents. In order to advance their missions, PAOs accept funding, frequently from pharmaceutical firms. Industry funding can help PAOs advance their goals but can also create conflicts of interest (COI). Research indicates that (...)
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  • Conflicts of Interest, Institutional Corruption, and Pharma: An Agenda for Reform.Marc A. Rodwin - 2012 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 40 (3):511-522.
    Why do physicians have financial conflicts of interest? They arise because society expects physicians to act in their patients’ interest, while simultaneously, financial incentives encourage physicians to practice medicine in ways that promote their own interests or those of third parties. Because physicians’ clinical choices, referrals, and prescriptions affect the fortune of third parties (providers, medical facilities, insurers, drug firms and suppliers of ancillary services), these third parties may offer physicians financial incentives to make income-driven clinical choices. In the past, (...)
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