Historical reversals highlight a basic methodological problem: is it possible to treat two successive periods both as independent cases to compare for causal analysis and as parts of a single historical sequence? I argue that one strategy for doing so, using models of path dependency, imposes serious limits on explanation. An alternative model which treats successive periods as contrasting solutions for recurrent problems offers two advantages. First, it more effectively combines analytical comparisons of different periods with narratives of causal sequences (...) spanning two or more periods. Second, it better integrates scholarly accounts of historical reversals with actors’ own narratives of the past. (shrink)

The writer discussed Drucker's ongoing denial of the relevance of business ethics in a paper presented to the Third Annual International Vincentian Conference. Later, in a paper presented to the Sixth Annual International Vincentian Conference, the writer argued that Collingwood's methodology would facilitate the advancement of an historical thesis which might explain the origins of Drucker's antipathy for business ethics. This latter aim is explored in the current paper. The paper asserts that it was Drucker's experiences of Weimar society and (...) of the Weimar economy that led Drucker to seek a new socio-economic reality. This latter reality Drucker sought through management. The paper thus describes how the past led Drucker to seek management as, following Drucker, "a means to a bigger end"; and yet, simultaneously, not as an end in itself. (shrink)

In response to the discussants this essay placesWages of Destructionin its historiographical context. In dialogue with Riley’s call for a reading of Nazi Germany in terms of a theory of imperialism, it calls for an account of the ‘variable geometry’ of regime-business relations. In conclusion, however, we must insist on the ‘vacuum’ of causal logic that is a defining characteristic of the history of the Nazi regime.

This study explains why the power of neoliberal business over the Mexican state increased during the last three decades of the twentieth century. It identifies three sources of increased neoliberal business power that occurred in conjunction with neoliberal reforms: (1) active mobilization by neoliberal business, (2) increased access to the state by neoliberal business, and (3) increased economic power of neoliberal business. It thereby contributes additional evidence that counters the view of Mexico’s state neoliberalizers as acting autonomously from business. It (...) further outlines two conditions that were instrumental in bringing about the increased power of neoliberal business: the onset of economic crisis in the 1970s, and a shift in foreign capital preferences in Mexico. The analysis demonstrates how Mexico’s sources and conditions of business power differed from those in advanced industrial societies, and outlines why the Mexican case may be a good starting point for devising a historically-contingent theory of business power in the semiperiphery. (shrink)

This paper assesses the accuracy of the common analogy by which contemporary Islamists are casually conflated with classical fascists. It argues that there are some parallels, in particular the manner in which Islamists and fascists, when pursuing their political agendas, are and were both deeply intolerant of “deviants” and prepared to readily deploy violence against opponents. But it also argues that the analogy remains substantially flawed: in the context of domestic politics, Islamists face authoritarian regimes prepared to use violence against (...) them and which are therefore very different to the liberalist regimes the fascists faced. And from an international perspective the Islamists face great powers united in their determination to ensure they do not rise to power by “capturing” a state, unlike the fascists. While current changes in the Arab world may create conditions more amenable for Islamists to carry out “stealthy” take-overs, until such occur the analogy remains at best only partially valid. (shrink)

During the past decade, several researchers have convincingly argued that, as a developed democracy, Israel exhibits a fairly clear pattern of electoral economic cycles. The present article questions some of the fundamental assumptions and "political anthropology" underlying this approach. Specifically, it points to the crucial impact of long-term economic restructuring and power realignment on the nature and outcome of electoral politics. The significance of these processes has become apparent mainly since the 1970s, with the transition from a growing economy dominated (...) by a social-democratic government to a stagnating market dominated by large business groups. In the latter context, when there emerges a "consensus of discontent" among the key business and labor coalitions, the government is dethroned. Due to limitations in available data, this study must be regarded as preliminary. Its hypothesis is tested against the two major electoral shifts, in 1977 and 1992. An alternative politicaleconomic approach to the development of Israeli society, opposed to current political and economic paradigms, is presented. (shrink)