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The syntax of distributivity and pair-list readings

In Anna Szabolcsi (ed.), Ways of Scope Taking. Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 349--408 (1997)

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  1. Quantifying into wh-dependencies: multiple-wh questions and questions with a quantifier.Yimei Xiang - 2023 - Linguistics and Philosophy 46 (3):429-482.
    Questions with a quantificational subject have readings that seemingly involve quantification into questions (called ‘QiQ’ for short). In particular, in single-wh questions with a universal quantifier, QiQ-readings call for pair-list answers, similar to pair-list readings of multiple-wh questions. This paper unifies the derivation of QiQ-readings and distinguishes QiQ-readings from pair-list readings of multiple-wh questions. I propose that pair-list multiple-wh questions and QiQ-questions both involve a wh-dependency, namely, that the wh-/quantificational subject stands in a functional dependency with the trace of the (...)
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  • Functional relative clauses.Yael Sharvit - 1999 - Linguistics and Philosophy 22 (5):447-478.
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  • Quantifying into Question Acts.Manfred Krifka - 2001 - Natural Language Semantics 9 (1):1-40.
    Quantified NPs in questions may lead to an interpretation in which the NP quantifies into the question. Which dish did every guest bring? can be understood as: 'For every guest x: which dish did x bring?'. After a review of previous approaches that tried to capture this quantification formally or to explain it away, it is argued that such readings involve quantification into speech acts. As the algebra of speech acts is more limited than a Boolean algebra – it only (...)
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  • The mental representation of universal quantifiers.Tyler Knowlton, Paul Pietroski, Justin Halberda & Jeffrey Lidz - 2022 - Linguistics and Philosophy 45 (4):911-941.
    A sentence like every circle is blue might be understood in terms of individuals and their properties or in terms of a relation between groups. Relatedly, theorists can specify the contents of universally quantified sentences in first-order or second-order terms. We offer new evidence that this logical first-order vs. second-order distinction corresponds to a psychologically robust individual vs. group distinction that has behavioral repercussions. Participants were shown displays of dots and asked to evaluate sentences with each, every, or all combined (...)
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  • Overt distributivity in algebraic event semantics.Lucas Champollion - 2016 - Semantics and Pragmatics 9 (16):1-65.
    This is the second in a pair of papers that aim to provide a comprehensive analysis of the semantic phenomenon of distributivity in natural language. This paper describes and explains observable cross-linguistic differences in overt distributive items in the framework of Neo-Davidsonian algebraic event semantics. The previous paper, Champollion 2016, postulated two covert distributivity operators, D and Part, in the grammar, even though the semantic effects of D can be subsumed under the workings of Part. This paper motivates the split (...)
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  • Does every sentence like this exhibit a scope ambiguity? Paul Pietroski and Norbert Hornstein, univ. Of maryland.Paul Pietrowski - manuscript
    We think recent work in linguistics tells against the traditional claim that a string of words like (1) Every girl pushed some truck has two readings, indicated by the following formal language sentences (with restricted quantifiers): (1a) [!x:Gx]["y:Ty]Pxy (1b) ["y:Ty][!x:Gx]Pxy. In our view, (1) does not have any b-reading in which ‘some truck’ has widest scope.1 The issue turns on details concerning syntactic transformations and terms like ‘every’. This illustrates an important point for the study of natural language: ambiguity hypotheses (...)
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