This article develops a cross-cultural and historical theory of antifeminist movements. Such movements are composed of two elements, which often involve very different types of people: vested-interest groups and voluntary associations. Five predictions concerning the social composition of antifeminist vested-interest groups and voluntary organizations and antifeminist movement ideology are derived from the theory. Evidence taken from existing literature pertaining to both first-wave and second-wave antifeminist movements in a variety of nations is reviewed. Substantial support is found for all five predictions. (...) We conclude that antifeminist movement adherents are responding to realistic threats. For men and vested-interest groups, the threat is primarily class based, but also extends to their status as family head; for women, it is primarily status based as wives and mothers, but also class-based inasmuch as their husbands' economic interests are threatened. (shrink)

Generally, saying: ‘feminist’, is revolutionary enough in this day and age, it's far more of a statement now than it was back in the eighties. And no, I wouldn't say I was a Revolutionary Feminist now ‘cos I'm less separatist than I was at that time and I think it's got overladen with such baggage that I'd have to spend about ten minutes defining what I meant. (Interview with Al Garthwaite, Leeds, 20 January 2012).

There is a diversity of views among feminists who have been debating whether or not a women's movement exists in Britain today. In part this is due to the lack of a clear working definition of social movement. This article uses social movement theory to discuss the ambiguous signs that are taken to indicate either the movement's continuing existence or its disappearance: the growth of mainstream political organizations; a focus on `women' in cultural production; the `micro-politics' of everyday life. The (...) article looks at the history of second-wave feminism in England using the two main schools of social movement theory: the `contentious politics' model focusing on organizations and formal political structures; and the `submerged networks' theory that takes solidarity, conflict and challenging dominant cultural codes to be central to social movements. (shrink)