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The anarchical society: a study of order in World politics

New York: Columbia University Press (2012)

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  1. Democratic Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect.Matthew S. Weinert - 2006 - Politics and Ethics Review 2 (2):139-158.
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  • The role of the inner enemy in European self-definition: Identity, culture and international relations theory.Jennifer M. Welsh - 1994 - History of European Ideas 19 (1):53-61.
    (1994). The role of the inner enemy in European self-definition: Identity, culture and international relations theory. History of European Ideas: Vol. 19, No. 1-3, pp. 53-61.
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  • Rethinking International History, Theory and the Event with Hannah Arendt.Alexander D. Barder & David M. McCourt - 2010 - Journal of International Political Theory 6 (2):117-141.
    This paper reconsiders the event in International Relations (IR) through the writings of Hannah Arendt. The event has for too long been neglected in IR; international events are overwhelmingly conceived as mere happenings that have meaning only within the process and temporal structure of the theory from which they are understood, and as holding no or only limited meaning in and of themselves. In her work on political theory and her reflections on totalitarianism, however, Arendt elaborates a rich view of (...)
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  • Beyond Coalitions of the Willing: Assessing U.S. Multilateralism.Stewart Patrick - 2003 - Ethics and International Affairs 17 (1):37-54.
    Contemporary debates over the appropriate balance of unilateralism and multilateralism in U.S. foreign policy reflect disagreements not simply about the practical effectiveness of these alternative options but also about their legitimacy. Advocates of multilateral and unilateral action alike tend to bundle prudential calculations with normative claims, making assessments about costs and benefits difficult to disentangle from ethical arguments about fairness, justice, morality and obligation. Greater clarity may be possible by classifying U.S. foreign policy into six analytical categories, based on whether (...)
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  • Terrorism, Supreme Emergency and Killing the Innocent.Anne Schwenkenbecher - 2009 - Perspectives - The Review of International Affairs 17 (1):105-126.
    Terrorist violence is often condemned for targeting innocents or non-combatants. There are two objections to this line of argument. First, one may doubt that terrorism is necessarily directed against innocents or non-combatants. However, I will focus on the second objection, according to which there may be exceptions from the prohibition against killing the innocent. In my article I will elaborate whether lethal terrorism against innocents can be justified in a supreme emergency. Starting from a critique of Michael Walzer’s account of (...)
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  • Effective global governance without effective global government: A contemporary myth.James A. Yunker - 2004 - World Futures 60 (7):503 – 533.
    Although the recent collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union has significantly reduced the near-term probability of nuclear disaster, it constitutes wishful thinking to imagine that meaningful and effective global governance is possible in today's world. The term "global governance" suggests and implies a degree of order and control in the international community far beyond that which presently exists, and that in fact could only be achieved by means of a global government. The global governance myth has emerged to help (...)
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  • Realism, Ethics, and the Ukraine War.Richard Sakwa - 2024 - In Anton Leist & Rolf Zimmermann (eds.), After the War?: How the Ukraine War Challenges Political Theories. De Gruyter. pp. 55-88.
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  • After the War?: How the Ukraine War Challenges Political Theories.Anton Leist & Rolf Zimmermann (eds.) - 2024 - De Gruyter.
    Russia’s war against Ukraine has grave consequences in several political categories. These include: a reassessment of the school of ‘political realism’, one of whose proponents claims to have predicted the war. Was the West partly ‘responsible’ for the war? Second, to what extent does the war of aggression, as an undeniable violation of law, damage the status of international law and justice? Third, the war is embedded in political developments that stretch back a century. It is examined in its context (...)
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  • Legitimate Authority, Institutional Specialisation and Distributive International Law.Oisin Suttle - manuscript
    How should international law’s role in determining international distributive outcomes, economic and otherwise, affect how we think about its legitimate authority? Domestic institutions’ legitimate authority in respect of distribution derives in large part from their concurrent roles in enabling security and coordination. Internationally, by contrast, functional disaggregation means that distribution must be legitimised in its own right. I begin by distinguishing the phenomenon of Distributive International Law, on which my argument focuses. I next introduce a number of wide instrumental accounts (...)
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  • You Can’t Tell Me What to Do! Why Should States Comply with International Institutions?Antoinette Scherz - 2022 - Journal of Social Philosophy (4):450-470.
    The tension between the authority of states and the authority of international institutions is a persistent feature of international relations. Legitimacy assessments of international institutions play a crucial role in resolving such tensions. If an international institution exercises legitimate authority, it creates binding obligations for states. According to Raz’s well-known service conception, legitimate authority depends on the reasons for actions of those who are subject to it. Yet what are the practical reasons that should guide the actions of states? Can (...)
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  • Sovereignty vs Globalization: Indispensable Discourse due to Relationship.Harry Cephas Charsmar - 2020 - International Journal of Political Theory 4 (1):130-150.
    Over the decades, scholarly discourses on sovereignty and globalization have been produced following various theories and numerous debates about the strength and weakness of the sovereign nation-state and globalization. In this paper, the various theories on the discourse of sovereignty and globalization are traced and placed into four categories as: contending paradigm, globalization paradigm, transformation paradigm and complementary paradigm. Both concepts, sovereignty and globalization, are explored by adopting the methodological framework, sources of explanation. The argument is that there is an (...)
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  • Shape shifting: Civilizational discourse and the analysis of cross-cultural interaction in the constitution of international society.Jacinta O’Hagan - 2020 - Journal of International Political Theory 16 (2):190-209.
    The concept of civilization is intrinsic to the English School’s understanding of international society. At the same time, engagement with discourses of civilization has been an important site of c...
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  • Interpreting great power rights in international society: Debating China’s right to a sphere of influence.Benjamin Zala - 2020 - Journal of International Political Theory 16 (2):210-230.
    The special rights and responsibilities of the great powers have traditionally been treated as a key component – even a primary institution – of international society in the English School literatu...
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  • The Political Perspective of Corporate Social Responsibility: A Critical Research Agenda.Glen Whelan - 2012 - Business Ethics Quarterly 22 (4):709-737.
    ABSTRACT:I here advance a critical research agenda for the political perspective of corporate social responsibility (Political CSR). I argue that whilst the ‘Political’ CSR literature is notable for both its conceptual novelty and practical importance, its development has been hamstrung by four ambiguities, conflations and/or oversights. More positively, I argue that ‘Political’ CSR should be conceived as one potentialformof globalization, and not as aconsequenceof ‘globalization’; that contemporary Western MNCs should be presumed to engage in CSR for instrumental reasons; that ‘Political’ (...)
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  • Institutional consequentialism and global governance.Attila Tanyi & András Miklós - 2017 - Journal of Global Ethics 13 (3):279-297.
    Elsewhere we have responded to the so-called demandingness objection to consequentialism – that consequentialism is excessively demanding and is therefore unacceptable as a moral theory – by introducing the theoretical position we call institutional consequentialism. This is a consequentialist view that, however, requires institutional systems, and not individuals, to follow the consequentialist principle. In this paper, we first introduce and explain the theory of institutional consequentialism and the main reasons that support it. In the remainder of the paper, we turn (...)
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  • Extant Social Contracts in Global Business Regulation: Outline of a Research Agenda.J. Oosterhout & Pursey Heugens - 2009 - Journal of Business Ethics 88 (S4):729-740.
    The notion of extant social contracts (ESC), which was the original contribution that Tom Dunfee provided to contractualist business ethics (CBE) and Integrated Social Contracts Theory (ISCT) more specifically, has commanded less research attention to date than one would expect based on its apparent empirical face validity and its disciplinary spanning potential. This article attempts to revive the ESC concept in both normative and positive research at the intersection of business, management, and ethics and law. After identifying three features that (...)
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  • Global public power: thesubjectof principles of global political legitimacy.Andrew Hurrell & Terry Macdonald - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (5):553-571.
    This paper elaborates the concept of global public power as the subject of principles of political legitimacy in global politics, and defends it through a critical comparison with other concepts widely employed to depict this regulative subject: states, global basic structure, and global governance. The goal underlying this argument is to bring some greater unity and integration to conceptual understandings of the subject of principles of political legitimacy within analyses of global politics, and in doing so to frame a broader (...)
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  • Operation Iraqi Freedom: a prudent action by a responsible great power?M. W. Aslam - 2010 - Journal of Global Ethics 6 (3):305-321.
    This article conducts a normative evaluation of Operation Iraqi Freedom undertaken in 2003 by employing principles of prudence to enquire whether the use of force could be described as an action by a responsible great power. Along with relating the principles of prudence to the concept of great power responsibility, it highlights two pillars of prudent decision-making: circumspection and awareness of one's limits. This normative framework is then utilised to evaluate the invasion of Iraq from the perspective of these specific (...)
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  • The new anarchy: Globalisation and fragmentation in world politics.Philip G. Cerny & Alex Prichard - 2017 - Journal of International Political Theory 13 (3):378-394.
    Modern International Relations theory has consistently underestimated the depth of the problem of anarchy in world politics. Contemporary theories of globalisation bring this into bold relief. From this perspective, the complexity of transboundary networks and hierarchies, economic sectors, ethnic and religious ties, civil and cross-border wars, and internally disaggregated and transnationally connected state actors, leads to a complex and multidimensional restructuring of the global, the local and the uneven connections in between. We ought to abandon the idea of ‘high’ and (...)
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  • Ending Tyranny in Iraq.Fernando R. Tesón - 2005 - Ethics and International Affairs 19 (2):1-20.
    The war in Iraq has reignited the passionate humanitarian intervention debate. President George W. Bush surprised many observers in his second inaugural address when he promised to oppose tyranny and oppression, and this in a world not always willing or ready to join in that fight. Humanitarian intervention is again on the forefront of world politics.
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  • Federal world government at the dawn of the third millennium: Old challenges and new opportunities.James Yunker - 2000 - World Futures 56 (1):41-106.
    (2000). Federal world government at the dawn of the third millennium: Old challenges and new opportunities. World Futures: Vol. 56, No. 1, pp. 41-106.
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  • Recent Consideration of World Government in the IR Literature: A Critical Appraisal.James A. Yunker - 2011 - World Futures 67 (6):409 - 436.
    Because recent contributions on world government in the international relations (IR) literature have focused on relatively nebulous issues, they are of limited usefulness for illuminating whether or not an actual world government would advance the human prospect. This question cannot be sensibly addressed unless in the light of a specific institutional proposal. Along the authority-effectiveness continuum separating the relatively ineffectual existent United Nations on the one hand, and the traditional world federalist ideal of the omnipotent world state on the other, (...)
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  • Introduction: The just war tradition and the continuing challenges to world public order.Davis Brown - 2011 - Journal of Military Ethics 10 (3):125-132.
    Abstract This introductory article argues that world public order continues to be challenged by the emergence of the doctrines of anticipatory self-defense and humanitarian intervention. These challenges may be better understood, and reconciled, by application of the just war tradition.
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  • Syria & Locating Tyranny, Hegemony and Anarchy in Contemporary International Law.Aoife O’Donoghue - 2020 - Jus Cogens 2 (1):29-55.
    Substantive renderings of tyranny, hegemony or anarchy as governance forms within international law seldom appear. When invoked, tyranny and anarchy are presented as exceptional while hegemony, in accounts often borrowed from international relations scholarship, is defined as mundane and a natural explanation of international legal governance. This article puts forward substantive accounts of all three—tyranny, anarchy and hegemony—and utilises these to understand a single event, the airstrikes against Syria after the use of chemical weapons by the Assad Government in 2018. (...)
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  • Post-Westphalia and Its Discontents: Business, Globalization, and Human Rights in Political and Moral Perspective.Michael A. Santoro - 2010 - Business Ethics Quarterly 20 (2):285-297.
    ABSTRACT:This article examines the presuppositions and theoretical frameworks of the “new-wave” “Post-Westphalian” approach to international business ethics and compares it to the more philosophically oriented moral theory approach that has predominated in the field. I contrast one author’s Post-Westphalian political approach to the human rights responsibilities of transnational corporations (TNCs) with my own “Fair Share” theory of moral responsibility for human rights. I suggest how the debate about the meaning of corporate human rights “complicity” might be informed by the fair (...)
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  • SARS: Political Pathology of the First Post-Westphalian Pathogen.David P. Fidler - 2003 - Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 31 (4):485-505.
    In March 2003, the world discovered, again, that I humanity's battle with infectious diseases continues. The twenty-first century began with infectious diseases, especially HIV/AIDS, being discussed as threats to human rights, economic development, and national security. Bioterrorism in the United States in October 2001 increased concerns about pathogenic microbes. The global outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome in the spring of 2003 kept the global infectious disease challenge at the forefront of world news for weeks. At its May 2003 annual (...)
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  • ‘Only in the Leap from the Lion's Head Will He Prove His Worth’: Natural Law and International Relations.Amanda Russell Beattie - 2013 - Journal of International Political Theory 9 (1):22-42.
    This article argues the benefits of including a theological interpretation of natural law morality within the normative discourses of international politics. It challenges the assumption of a Grotian secular natural law arguing that practical reason, in a Thomist interpretation, is better suited to the demands of international political theory. It engages with themes of agency, practical reason, and community in order to enhance the content of the post-territorial community evidenced in ethical cosmopolitan debates. Likewise, it envisions simultaneously enhancing a rapprochement (...)
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  • Politics and Rights: The Future of the EU from a European Perspective.Gianluigi Palombella - 2005 - Ratio Juris 18 (3):400-09.
    Beyond Community political minimalism, citizenship, rights and States are today associated with new constitutional ambitions. In this connection this paper draws attention to the “unsaturated” character of national institutions, especially parliamentary institutions, and argues for a re-elaboration of the classical European conceptions of rights in an institutional rather than a purely individualistic perspective.
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  • The Port of Mars: The United States and the International Community.Carl Cavanagh Hodge - 2003 - Journal of Military Ethics 2 (2):107-121.
    The United States is at a critical crossroads in its foreign policy and its relationship to the international community. Indeed, the very existence of an international community, rooted in the authority of the United Nations and capable of enforcing its resolutions, is from Washington's contemporary perspective an issue of contention. The foreign policy of the administration of George W. Bush has demonstrated, both before and after the tragic events of 11 September 2001, a willingness to undertake major initiatives unilaterally when (...)
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  • On the foundations of law: Religion, nature, morals.Jan Rothkamm - 2008 - Ratio Juris 21 (3):300-311.
    Abstract. The article discusses the importance of three extra-legal sources—divine inspiration, natural law, and morality—for a full understanding and effective application of law. Each source is seen as vital due to its ability to compensate for the shortcomings of the other two sources. No source, including belief, is seen as necessarily incompatible with the doctrinal pluralism characteristic of modern societies.
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  • What is required to institutionalize Kant’s cosmopolitan ideal?Sandra Raponi - 2014 - Journal of International Political Theory 10 (3):302-324.
    Although Kant argues that a world republic with coercive public law is the only rational way to secure a lawful cosmopolitan condition, he states that it is an unachievable ideal, and he proposes a voluntary, non-coercive federation of states as a substitute. While some scholars have criticized Kant for moving away from this ideal due merely to pragmatic considerations, I argue that his rejection of a coercive world republic is based on his conception of state sovereignty and what is required (...)
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  • Civil association across borders: Law, morality and responsibility in the post-Brexit Era.Ronnie Hjorth - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (3):299-313.
    Michael Oakeshott’s distinction between ‘civil association’ and ‘enterprise association’ has inspired international society theorists to conceive of international society as not just a ‘purposive association’ constructed by states to satisfy their interests but also as a ‘practical association’ providing formal and pragmatic rules that are not instrumental to particular goals of state policy. While this article is supportive of the Oakeshottian turn in international society theory, it suggests that somewhat different conclusions can be drawn from it. The article sketches out (...)
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  • Kant on international distributive justice.Sylvie Loriaux - 2007 - Journal of Global Ethics 3 (3):281 – 301.
    This paper concentrates on the way Kant's distinction between duties of right and duties of virtue operates at the interstate level. I argue that his Right of Nations (V ölkerrecht) can be interpreted as a duty to establish a kind of interstate distributive justice (that is, as a duty to secure states in their independence and territorial possessions), which is called for to secure domestic distributive justice and to protect individuals' freedom and private property. Or at least this is 'ideal (...)
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  • (2 other versions)On biodiplomacy: Negotiating life and plural modes of existence.Sam Okoth Opondo & Costas M. Constantinou - 2021 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (3):316-336.
    This article examines the intersection of biopolitics with diplomacy and engages its dynamic re-envisioning as biodiplomacy. It revisits Michel Foucault’s peripheral attention to diplomacy and his framing of the concept in his writings on raison d’état and the government of the living. The article suggests that biodiplomacy can help us understand better the complexity of global biopolitical projects, moving us beyond governmentality and sensitizing us about the continuous negotiation of the meaning and materiality of particular ways of living vis-à-vis other (...)
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  • Natural Law and the Theory of International Society: Otto von Gierke and the Three Traditions of International Theory.Ben Holland - 2012 - Journal of International Political Theory 8 (1-2):48-73.
    Hedley Bull, in the passage in The Anarchical Society which introduces the ‘three competing traditions of thought’ associated with the articulation of the modern states-system, cited Otto von Gierke as the originator of this influential way of organising international theory. This article examines Gierke's work in order to assess the extent of the influence on the English School that can be ascribed to him. It argues that in fact Gierke's version of the three traditions bears little resemblance to that of (...)
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  • The Global Compact for Migration (GCM), International Solidarity and Civil Society Participation: a Stakeholder’s Perspective.Carolina Gottardo & Nishadh Rego - 2021 - Human Rights Review 22 (4):425-456.
    A distinguishing feature of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration is its “whole-of-society” approach, which includes states, but also engages a “broad multi-stakeholder” partnership to address global migration “in all its dimensions”. As one of the stakeholders that participated in the shaping and implementation of this new global normative instrument, we suggest that a spirit of international solidarity can be located in the cooperative and consensual processes and platforms that make up its architecture. Drawing on the English (...)
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  • The English School and Order: The Case of Association of Southeast Asian Nations.Ferhat Durmaz & Ishtiaq Hossain - forthcoming - Intellectual Discourse:285-321.
    The English School analytical framework concerning theformation of order in international relations posits that states establish orderthrough rules and institutions within the framework of common interests andvalues to protect against anarchy. State-centred orders with limited civil societycooperation are pluralistic, while their converse are solidarist. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was established in 1967 by Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore,and Indonesia based on common interests, such as strengthening sovereigntyand creating stable relations in the face of anarchic problems like communismand internal (...)
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  • Practical considerations in designing a supernational federation.James A. Yunker - 1985 - World Futures 21 (3):159-218.
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  • The New Utopianism: Liberalism, American Foreign Policy, and the War in Iraq.Eric A. Heinze - 2008 - Journal of International Political Theory 4 (1):105-125.
    This article explores the extent to which the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 coheres with the normative precepts of liberalism as an international political theory. Beginning with a Lockean liberal theory of the state, this article first examines the evolution of international liberalism in order to identify the fundamental normative postulates of liberal theory as it pertains to international relations, especially regarding the use of military force. The article then advances two interrelated arguments: First, that the underpinnings of the (...)
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  • Obligations beyond national borders: International institutions and distributive justice.Amy E. Eckert - 2008 - Journal of Global Ethics 4 (1):67 – 78.
    Recent scholarship has tied duties of distributive justice to the existence of coercive institutions. This body of work argues that, because the international system lacks institutions that can coerce individuals in the same manner as domestic institutions, there are no international obligations to address relative poverty and inequality. Proponents of this view use it to support the existence of a compatriot preference that requires us to meet the needs of compatriots before meeting those of the global poor. Even supposing distributive (...)
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  • Opposition and dissidence: Two modes of resistance against international rule.Christopher Daase & Nicole Deitelhoff - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 15 (1):11-30.
    Rule is commonly conceptualized with reference to the compliance it invokes. In this article, we propose a conception of rule via the practice of resistance instead. In contrast to liberal approaches, we stress the possibility of illegitimate rule, and, as opposed to critical approaches, the possibility of legitimate authority. In the international realm, forms of rule and the changes they undergo can thus be reconstructed in terms of the resistance they provoke. To this end, we distinguish between two types of (...)
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  • Tackling invisible frontiers of global justice: an extension of Sen’s ‘Comparison View of Justice’ into IR.Antje Wiener - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (2):249-265.
    A central challenge of Amartya Sen’s comparative view of justice is to bring cultural diversity to bear on conceptualizing global justice, which includes building bridges across cultures that enable effective action, and rendering compatible the most beneficent of Rawlsian (or transcendental) intentions with irreducible cultural diversity. For social scientists meeting this challenge requires, first, taking account of variation of social practices in the social construction of meaning, and second, uncovering invisible frontiers of global justice that remain hidden due to conceptual (...)
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  • Normative IR Theory and the Legalization of International Politics: The Dictates of Humanity and of the Public Conscience as a Vehicle for Global Justice.Peter Sutch - 2012 - Journal of International Political Theory 8 (1-2):1-24.
    This paper explores the relationship between normative international political theory and the politics of international law. It begins by arguing that a gap between the normative (in moral terms) and the moral (in legal and social terms) still exists in the literature before going on to examine an approach to closing this gap. This approach, it is argued, is common to a plurality of theoretical approaches including liberal cosmopolitanism, social constructivism and forms of particularism. In exploring ‘institutional moral reasoning’ or (...)
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  • How to understand international society differently: Mauss and the chains of reciprocity.Frédéric Ramel - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (2):165-182.
    In international relations, reciprocity means a phenomenon based on international law that maintains equality, continuity, and stability of cooperation between states. Most of the time, the logic of contract and rationalist perspectives prevail to deal with it. Nevertheless, reciprocity does not exclusively embody a contractual mechanism that aims at a symmetrical balance between two partners. Marcel Mauss was one of the first sociologists to observe the existence of group cohesion when studying reciprocity in his gift-giving model. Beyond a dual relationship, (...)
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  • Reciprocity, hierarchy, and obligation in world politics: From Kula to Potlatch.John G. Oates & Eric Grynaviski - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (2):145-164.
    The observation that agents and structures are co-constituted is now commonplace, yet scholars continue to struggle to incorporate this insight. Rationalists tend to overemphasize actors’ agency in the constitution of social order while constructivists tend to overstate the degree to which structures determine action. This article uses The Gift to rethink the agent–structure debate, arguing that the model of social relations Mauss outlines in this work sheds new light on basic concepts in international relations theory such as reciprocity, hierarchy, and (...)
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  • Distributive justice and international trade.Ethan B. Kapstein - 1999 - Ethics and International Affairs 13:175–204.
    This essay examines the structure of the international trade regime. Following John Rawls, it asserts that "justice is the first virtue of social institutions." This leads to the question: Is the trade regime just?
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