We discuss the logic of pregroups, introduced by Lambek [34], and its connections with other type logics and formal grammars. The paper contains some new ideas and results: the cut-elimination theorem and a normalization theorem for an extended system of this logic, its P-TIME decidability, its interpretation in L1, and a general construction of (preordered) bilinear algebras and pregroups whose universe is an arbitrary monoid.

We give a proof of the finite model property of some fragments of commutative and noncommutative linear logic: the Lambek calculus, BCI, BCK and their enrichments, MALL and Cyclic MALL. We essentially simplify the method used in [4] for proving fmp of BCI and the Lambek ca culus and in [5] for proving fmp of MALL. Our construction of finite models also differs from that used in Lafont [8] in his proof of fmp of MALL.

We consider the Lambek calculus, or noncommutative multiplicative intuitionistic linear logic, extended with iteration, or Kleene star, axiomatised by means of an$\omega $-rule, and prove that the derivability problem in this calculus is$\Pi _1^0$-hard. This solves a problem left open by Buszkowski (2007), who obtained the same complexity bound for infinitary action logic, which additionally includes additive conjunction and disjunction. As a by-product, we prove that any context-free language without the empty word can be generated by a Lambek grammar with (...) unique type assignment, without Lambek’s nonemptiness restriction imposed (cf. Safiullin, 2007). (shrink)

We present sound and complete semantics and a sequent calculus for the Lambek calculus extended with intuitionistic propositional logic.

We study a class of finite models for the Lambek Calculus with additive conjunction and with and without empty antecedents. The class of models enables us to prove the finite model property for each of the above systems, and for some axiomatic extensions of them. This work strengthens the results of [3] where only product-free fragments of these systems are considered. A characteristic feature of this approach is that we do not rely on cut elimination in opposition to e.g. [5], (...) [9]. (shrink)

We prove the finite model property (fmp) for BCI and BCI with additive conjunction, which answers some open questions in Meyer and Ono [11]. We also obtain similar results for some restricted versions of these systems in the style of the Lambek calculus [10, 3]. The key tool is the method of barriers which was earlier introduced by the author to prove fmp for the product-free Lambek calculus [2] and the commutative product-free Lambek calculus [4].

We prove that the Lambek calculus is complete w.r.t. L-models, i.e., free semigroup models. We also prove the completeness w.r.t. relativized relational models over the natural linear order of integers.

If all dependent expressions were adjacent some variety of immediate constituent analysis would suffice for grammar, but syntactic and semantic mismatches are characteristic of natural language; indeed this is a, or the, central problem in grammar. Logical categorial grammar reduces grammar to logic: an expression is well-formed if and only if an associated sequent is a theorem of a categorial logic. The paradigmatic categorial logic is the Lambek calculus, but being a logic of concatenation the Lambek calculus can only capture (...) discontinuous dependencies when they are peripheral. In this paper we present the displacement calculus, which is a logic of intercalation as well as concatenation and which subsumes the Lambek calculus. On the empirical side, we apply the new calculus to discontinuous idioms, quantification, VP ellipsis, medial extraction, pied-piping, appositive relativisation, parentheticals, gapping, comparative subdeletion, cross-serial dependencies, reflexivization, anaphora, dative alternation, and particle shift. On the technical side, we prove that the calculus enjoys Cut-elimination. (shrink)

The Lambek calculus introduced in Lambek [6] is a strengthening of the type reduction calculus of Ajdukiewicz [1]. We study Associative Lambek Calculus L in Gentzen style axiomatization enriched with a finite set Γ of nonlogical axioms, denoted by L(Γ).It is known that finite axiomatic extensions of Associative Lambek Calculus generate all recursively enumerable languages (see Buszkowski [2]). Then we confine nonlogical axioms to sequents of the form p → q, where p and q are atomic types. For calculus L(Γ) (...) we prove interpolation lemma (modifying the Roorda proof for L [10]) and the binary reduction lemma (using the Pentus method [9] with modification from [3]). In consequence we obtain the weak equivalence of the Context-Free Grammars and grammars based on L(Γ). (shrink)

We give a proof-theoretic and algorithmic complexity analysis for systems introduced by Morrill to serve as the core of the CatLog categorial grammar parser. We consider two recent versions of Morrill’s calculi, and focus on their fragments including multiplicative (Lambek) connectives, additive conjunction and disjunction, brackets and bracket modalities, and the! subexponential modality. For both systems, we resolve issues connected with the cut rule and provide necessary modifications, after which we prove admissibility of cut (cut elimination theorem). We also prove (...) algorithmic undecidability for both calculi, and show that categorial grammars based on them can generate arbitrary recursively enumerable languages. (shrink)

Pentus (1992) proves the equivalence of LCG's and CFG's, and CFG's are equivalent to BCG's by the Gaifman theorem (Bar-Hillel et al., 1960). This paper provides a procedure to extend any LCG to an equivalent BCG by affixing new types to the lexicon; a procedure of that kind was proposed as early, as Cohen (1967), but it was deficient (Buszkowski, 1985). We use a modification of Pentus' proof and a new proof of the Gaifman theorem on the basis of the (...) Lambek calculus. (shrink)

This paper explores proof-theoretic aspects of hybrid type-logical grammars, a logic combining Lambek grammars with lambda grammars. We prove some basic properties of the calculus, such as normalisation and the subformula property and also present both a sequent and a proof net calculus for hybrid type-logical grammars. In addition to clarifying the logical foundations of hybrid type-logical grammars, the current study opens the way to variants and extensions of the original system, including but not limited to a non-associative version and (...) a multimodal version incorporating structural rules and unary modes. (shrink)