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Newton and Leibniz

Philosophical Review 52 (4):366-391 (1943)

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  1. What did Adam Smith learn from François Quesnay?Toni Vogel Carey - 2020 - Journal of Scottish Philosophy 18 (2):175-191.
    Book IV of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations concerns two rival economic theories, Mercantilism and Physiocracy. The latter, François Quesnay's system, occupies only the ninth and final chapter, and it begins with a stunning dismissal. Yet, fifteen pages later, Smith praises this theory to the skies. That cries out for explanation. Like Mercantilism, Smith's system emphasizes commerce, whereas Quesnay's is confined to agriculture. But like Physiocracy, Smith's system is built on individual liberty, whereas Mercantilism is one of government control. Despite (...)
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  • Leibniz, the microscope and the concept of preformation.Alessandro Becchi - 2017 - History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 39 (1):4.
    In recent years a certain emphasis has been put by some scholars on Leibniz’s concern about empirical sciences and the relations between such concern and the development of his mature metaphysical system. In this paper I focus on Leibniz’s interest for the microscope and the astonishing discoveries that such instrument made possible in the field of the life sciences during the last part of the Seventeenth century. The observation of physical bodies carried out by the “magnifying glasses” revealed a matter (...)
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  • La concepción del espacio de Leibniz: substancialismo, monismo y relacionismo substancialoide. Un breve esbozo a partir de un estudio genético.Camilo Silva - 2021 - Anales Del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía 38 (1):51-66.
    En este artículo examinamos los aspectos más relevantes de la concepción del espacio de Leibniz. A través de un enfoque genético, nuestro propósito es mostrar que, en su desarrollo evolutivo, dicha concepción sufre dos transiciones destacables, las que separan y distinguen tres versiones teóricas. En su juventud, Leibniz defiende una concepción substancialista del espacio. Sin embargo, debido a la adopción del nominalismo, dicha concepción sufre un primer giro que decanta en un monismo substancialoide, el que se consolida en el período (...)
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  • (1 other version)Hermann Cohen's.Gregory B. Moynahan - 2003 - Perspectives on Science 11 (1):35-75.
    : Few texts summarize and at the same time compound the challenges of their author's philosophy so sharply as Hermann Cohen's Das Prinzip der Infinitesimalmethode und seine Geschichte (1883). The book's meaning and style are greatly illuminated by placing it in the scientific, political, and academic context of late-nineteenth century Germany. As this context changed, so did both the reception of the philosophy of the infinitesimal and of the Marburg school more generally. A study of this transformation casts significant light (...)
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  • (1 other version)Hermann Cohen's Das Prinzip der Infinitesimalmethode, Ernst Cassirer, and the Politics of Science in Wilhelmine Germany.Gregory B. Moynahan - 2003 - Perspectives on Science 11 (1):35-75.
    Few texts summarize and at the same time compound the challenges of their author's philosophy so sharply as Hermann Cohen's Das Prinzip der Infinitesimalmethode und seine Geschichte . The book's meaning and style are greatly illuminated by placing it in the scientific, political, and academic context of late-nineteenth century Germany. As this context changed, so did both the reception of the philosophy of the infinitesimal and of the Marburg school more generally. A study of this transformation casts significant light on (...)
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  • The philosophical coming of age of science. Euler’s role in Cassirer’s early philosophy of space and time.Marco Giovanelli - 2024 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 108 (C):55-63.
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  • Ernst Cassirer’s Legacy: History of Philosophy and History of Science.Massimo Ferrari - 2021 - Journal of Transcendental Philosophy 2 (1):85-109.
    The paper is devoted to an overview of Cassirer’s work both as historian of philosophy and historian of science. Indeed, the “intelletcual cooperation” between history of philosophy and history of science represents an essential feature of Cassirer’s style of philosophizing: while the roots of a wide exploration stretching from Renaissance thought to modern physics go back to the Neo-Kantianism of the Marburg School, the results of a similar cross-fertilization of research fields have deeply contributed to shaping new standards of inquiry. (...)
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  • (1 other version)Caroline, Leibniz, and Clarke.Domenico Bertoloni Meli - 1999 - Journal of the History of Ideas 60 (3):469-486.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Caroline, Leibniz, and ClarkeD. Bertoloni Meli*The papers which passed between Leibniz and Clarke from 1715 to 1716 have long been considered classics in the history of science and philosophy, attracting a large number of scholarly works. Their exchanges, consisting of ten letters, five by Leibniz and five by Clarke, ended with Leibniz’s death in November 1716. 1 The letters deal with issues such as God’s role in the universe, (...)
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  • Always or Never: Two Approaches to Ceteris Paribus. [REVIEW]Toni Vogel Carey - 2012 - Erkenntnis 77 (3):317-333.
    The Scientific Revolution spawned not just one methodology, but two. We have emphasized Bacon's inductivism at the expense of Galileo's more abstract, sophisticated method of successive approximation, and so have failed to appreciate Galileo's contribution to the ceteris paribus problem in philosophy of science. My purpose here is to help redress this imbalance. I first briefly review the old unsolved problems, and then point out the Baconian basis of ceteris paribus, as this clause is conventionally understood, and its history from (...)
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  • (Why does Leibniz need absolute time?).Nicolás Vaughan - 2007 - Ideas Y Valores 56 (134):23-44.
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