Jane Addams ha sido considerada una de las personas más importantes e influyentes en la historia de los Estados Unidos y esta categorización, en especial para una mujer nacida en el siglo XIX, nos incita a pensar en una personalidad apasionante. Ahondar en la vida y obra de esta mujer no defrauda, aunque dificulta ofrecer una imagen completa – si eso fuese posible – de su poliédrica figura. En este artículo esbozamos algunos rasgos biográficos de Jane Addams en el contexto (...) donde desarrolla principalmente su labor – el centro social Hull House en Chicago – para detenernos en su concepción sobre la acción social de su tiempo y los presupuestos epistemológicos, éticos y políticos que fundan su trabajo social. Pretendemos abordar la faceta de Addams en tanto que trabajadora social (sólo a efectos analíticos dada la interseccionalidad de su producción) a través de algunos tópicos como el debate sobre la responsabilidad individual o social de la pobreza; Hull House como instrumento de abordaje de la cuestión social; la cooperación interclasista, el igualitarismo, y la participación de la comunidad en la resolución de sus problemas; los fundamentos empíricos y pragmáticos de su pensamiento y acción; y el carácter antiopresivo y reformista del Trabajo social que Addams focaliza en los niveles de intervención grupal y comunitaria ya que son desde los que se podrá llevar a cabo la reforma social. (shrink)

ABSTRACT In “Race, Multiculturalism, and Democracy,” Robert Gooding-Williams offers an insight. He writes: “Our sense of ourselves and of the possibilities existing for us is, to a significant degree, a function of the descriptions we have available to us to conceptualize our intended actions and prospective lives…. ‘Hence if new modes of description come into being, new possibilities of action come into being in consequence.’” In this article, I discuss the philosopher's role in the articulation of new descriptions and thus (...) new possibilities. I argue that potential modes of bold and assertive comportment are conjured when new insurrectionist descriptions are articulated within oppressed populations. To bring this to a higher resolution, I discuss the pervasiveness of dialectical conflict, the need to creatively reorient the descriptions of oppressed groups toward liberation, and the need for more than one prescriptive mode of social amelioration. (shrink)

This paper aims at renovating the prospects for social philosophy through a confrontation between pragmatism and critical theory. In particular, it contends that the resources of pragmatism for advancing a project of emancipatory social philosophy have so far been neglected. After contrasting the two major traditions in social philosophy—the analytical and the critical—I proceed to outline the main traits of a pragmatist social philosophy. By inscribing pragmatism within the tradition of social philosophy, my aim is to promote a new understanding (...) of pragmatism as one of the central Euro-American traditions in social and political philosophy, deserving to be on an equal footing with critical theory and political liberalism. And, furthermore, one whose critical and radical force may be of great help in the wake of the dismissal of the metaphysical certainties upon which the critical program of social philosophy had once set its hopes of social emancipation. (shrink)

This volume argues that feminist theory can provide distinctive and potent resources to confront and take on post-truth. By ‘post-truth’, we refer to a variety of discourses and practices that subvert the sense that we share a common world. Because post-truth undermines the norms and conditions that make possible shared political practices and institutions, post-truth politics is fundamentally anti-democratic. The most common response to post-truth has, however, come from those who call for reinstating truth and rationality, with special emphasis on (...) returning to the facts and fact-checking. From a feminist perspective, this approach is worrisome as it risks idealizing the connection between democracy and truth, disowning the tensions within and between them, and suppressing contestation tout court. Diagnosing the post-truth moment we face two challenges: on the one hand, there is too much contestation (of the post-truth variety); on the other hand, there is too much depoliticization (of the technocratic or rationalist variety). This binary effectively limits the space within which critiques of post-truth can meaningfully intervene. Feminist takes on post-truth must take seriously this dual challenge at the crossroads of depoliticization and hyper-politicization, acknowledging the anti-democratic dangers of post-truth while keeping open the possibility and necessity of contestation. Our gambit is that effective rejoinders to post-truth can be found in practices that affirm rather than repudiate a plural world. Rather than simply condemning or dismissing post-truth as mad or irrational, the feminist theorists in this volume move closer to what we’re up against in order to see how encounters with reality provide opportunities to radicalize and politicize our relation to it in ways that do not undermine the conditions for others to do the same. This volume is an attempt to open new, and emphasize existing, feminist modes of response that might break the deadlock in the post-truth discourse. (shrink)