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  1. Why do mothers favor girls and fathers, boys?Ricardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes-García, Thomas McDade, Susan Tanner, William R. Leonard, Tomás Huanca, Vincent Vadez & Karishma Patel - 2006 - Human Nature 17 (2):169-189.
    Growing evidence suggests mothers invest more in girls than boys and fathers more in boys than girls. We develop a hypothesis that predicts preference for girls by the parent facing more resource constraints and preference for boys by the parent facing less constraint. We test the hypothesis with panel data from the Tsimane’, a foraging-farming society in the Bolivian Amazon. Tsimane’ mothers face more resource constraints than fathers. As predicted, mother’s wealth protected girl’s BMI, but father’s wealth had weak effects (...)
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  • Brothers and sisters.Monique Borgerhoff Mulder - 1998 - Human Nature 9 (2):119-161.
    Data from the Kipsigis of Kenya are used to test two models for how parents invest in offspring, the Trivers-Willard and local resource competition/enhancement hypotheses. Investment is measured as age-specific survival, educational success, marital arrangements, and some components of property inheritance, permitting an evaluation of how biases persist or alter over the period of dependence. Changes through time in such biases are also examined. Despite stronger effects of wealth on the reproductive success of men than women, the survival of sons (...)
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  • Resource Competition and Reproduction in Karo Batak Villages.Geoff Kushnick - 2010 - Human Nature 21 (1):62-81.
    When wealth is heritable, parents may manipulate family size to optimize the trade-off between more relatively poor offspring and fewer relatively rich ones, and channel less care into offspring that compete with siblings. These hypotheses were tested with quantitative ethnographic data collected among the Karo Batak—patrilineal agriculturalists from North Sumatra, Indonesia, among whom land is bequeathed equally to sons. It was predicted that landholding would moderate the relationship between reproductive rate and parental investment on one hand, and the number of (...)
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  • Birth order, sibship size, and status in modern Canada.Jennifer Nerissa Davis - 1997 - Human Nature 8 (3):205-230.
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  • Birth Order, Age, and Hunting Success in the Canadian Arctic.Peter Collings - 2009 - Human Nature 20 (4):354-374.
    What explains variation in hunting success? This paper examines foraging success among Inuit hunters, paying particular attention to factors that account for differential returns in hunting. Although there are several possibilities for explaining hunting success, this study finds that birth order and age are important predictors of foraging returns. Furthermore, data on food sharing suggests that birth order has important effects on the distribution of food. That is, early-born hunters not only produce more food, they give much of that food (...)
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  • Trivers-willard rules for sex allocation.Judith L. Anderson & Charles B. Crawford - 1993 - Human Nature 4 (2):137-174.
    We present a quantitative model of sex allocation to investigate whether the simple “rules of thumb” suggested by Trivers and Willard (1973) would really maximize numbers of grandchildren in human populations. Using demographic data from the !Kung of southern Africa and the basic assumptions of the Trivers-Willard hypothesis, we calculate expected numbers of grandchildren based on age- and sex-specific reproductive value. Patterns of parental investment that would maximize numbers of expected grandchildren often differ from the Trivers-Willard rules. In particular, the (...)
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