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  1. Roundtable on Political Epistemology.Scott Althaus, Mark Bevir, Jeffrey Friedman, Hélène Landemore, Rogers Smith & Susan Stokes - 2014 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 26 (1-2):1-32.
    On August 30, 2013, the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on political epistemology as part of its annual meetings. Co-chairing the roundtable were Jeffrey Friedman, Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin; and Hélène Landemore, Department of Political Science, Yale University. The other participants were Scott Althaus, Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Mark Bevir, Department of Political Science, University of California at Berkeley; Rogers Smith, Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania; and Susan (...)
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  • Political Epistemology.Jeffrey Friedman - 2014 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 26 (1-2):i-xiv.
    ABSTRACTNormative political epistemologists, such as epistemic democrats, study whether political decision makers can, in principle, be expected to know what they need to know if they are to make wise public policy. Empirical political epistemologists study the content and sources of real-world political actors' knowledge and interpretations of knowledge. In recent years, empirical political epistemologists have taken up the study of the ideas of political actors other than voters, such as bureaucrats and politicians. Normative political epistemologists could follow this lead (...)
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  • A “weapon in the hands of the people”: The rhetorical presidency in historical and conceptual context.Jeffrey Friedman - 2007 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 19 (2-3):197-240.
    The Tulis thesis becomes even more powerful when the constitutional revolution he describes is put in its Progressive‐Era context. The public had long demanded social reforms designed to curb or replace laissez‐faire capitalism, which was seen as antithetical to the interests of ordinary working people. But popular demands for social reform went largely unmet until the 1910s. Democratizing political reforms, such as the rhetorical presidency, were designed to facilitate “change” by finally giving the public the power to enact social reforms. (...)
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  • (1 other version)Value representation—the dominance of ends over means in democratic politics: Reply to Murakami.Morgan Marietta - 2010 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 22 (2-3):311-329.
    American democracy is not unconstrained or autonomous, but instead achieves what could be termed value representation. Rather than affording representation on policy issues, elections transmit priorities among competing normative ends, while elite politics address the more complex matching of ends and means within the value boundaries established by voters. This results in neither policy representation nor state autonomy, but instead in a specific and limited form of democratic representation.
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  • What’s Empire Got to Do with It? The Derivation of America’s Foreign Policy.Earl C. Ravenal - 2009 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 21 (1):21-75.
    ABSTRACT The common claim that American foreign policy is “imperial” is contradicted by the fact that the actual, definable historical empires have characteristically exercised formal, as well as decisive, control over their peripheral dependencies—properties that the keenest analysts do not ascribe to the geopolitical system that has been constructed by the United States. Why, then, the ascription of “empire” to the United States? One reason is to condemn American foreign policy by linking it to the unjust, destructive, and self‐destructive tendencies (...)
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