ZusammenfassungIm Jahr 1805 bezeichnete der Arzt Jean-Étienne Esquirol eine therapeutische Methode mit dem Begriff des „moralischen Schocks“ (sécousse morale). In vorliegendem Aufsatz wird dargestellt, inwiefern im Rahmen der Entwicklung der französischen Humanwissenschaften (sciences de l’homme, science social) um 1800 der Bezug auf den terreur konstitutiv für die Formierung dieser Behandlungsmethode war. Die psychiatrische und pädagogische Diskussion über diese nicht physische Einwirkung auf den Geist (esprit) von menschlichen Forschungsobjekten und Patient_innen bezog sich dabei wesentlich auf die Frage, ob das Volk durch (...) die schockartige Aufwallung der Revolution aus den unfreien Gewohnheiten des ancien régime befreit werden könne. Nach 1800, so wird im Folgenden gezeigt, bildete sich das professionelle Selbstverständnis der psychiatrischen und pädagogischen Expertise heraus, mit der Schocks in professionell kontrollierten Settings eingesetzt werden konnten, während die heilsame Wirkung des revolutionären Schocks negiert wurde. Im Aufsatz werden hierfür vier verschiedene Perspektiven auf die pathogenen oder heilsamen Wirkungen von Schocks unterschieden. Gestützt auf publizierte Texte und Material aus den Archives nationales sowie dem Institut national de jeunes sourds wird so im Aufsatz eine politische Geschichte der Entwicklung des moralischen Schocks entfaltet und die These vertreten, dass die Entwicklung von epistemischen und therapeutischen Techniken in den Humanwissenschaften wesentlich von der Abgrenzung von revolutionärer Gewalt sowie dem humanwissenschaftlichen Wunsch nach einer stabilen Regierung getragen war. (shrink)

Ever since records began, accounts of other peoples and their institutions and customs have included comments about their mental characteristics. The present article traces this feature from the 18th century to roughly the First World War, with a brief sketch of more recent developments. For most of this period two contrasting positions prevailed: the dominant one attributed human differences to ‘race’, while the other one explained them in terms of psychological, environmental and historical factors. The present account focuses on the (...) latter, among them those who asserted ‘the psychic unity of mankind’. Generally it is shown that from the early period when writings were based almost entirely on secondary sources, to the beginnings of empirical studies, ethnological theories were indissolubly linked to psychological concerns. (shrink)

This article undertakes a comparative study of the conjectural histories of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Adam Ferguson, focusing on the convergences in the moral and political ideals expressed and grounded in these histories. In comparison with Scots like Adam Smith and John Millar, the conjectural histories of Ferguson and Rousseau follow a similar historical trajectory as regards the development and progress of commercial, political and cultural arts. However, their assessment of the moral progress of humanity does not, or in a much (...) more limited way than in Smith and Millar, correlate with this trajectory. Rousseau and Ferguson see a candour and vigour in savage and barbarian societies that is much less easily supported by the complex socio-economic framework of modern, commercial societies. It is argued that the convergences in their conjectural histories arise from a similar fusion of these histories with Stoic and republican perspectives. While Rousseau and Ferguson do not see history as cyclical, they think that the forces that push towards moral decline are strong and can, on the political level, only be countered by firm republican policies. Furthermore, their shared Stoic ideal of the life lived according to nature informs their solutions for modern societies. (shrink)

A exortação de Rousseau, feita dois séculos antes de Lévi-Strauss, de levar a vista ao longe, observar as diferenças entre os homens para conhecer o homem em sua especificidade e propriedade dá o tom do que se poderia chamar de antropologia rousseauísta. O conhecimento sobre o homem não é obtido ao olhar para o lado e tomar como referência um tipo qualquer imediatamente disponível. Ao contrário, é preciso de viagens bem regradas, de uma educação do olhar e da organização dos (...) dados colhidos pela observação. (shrink)

RESUMEN En las primeras páginas de la Histoire de l'empire de Russie sous Pierre le Grand, publicada entre 1759 y 1763, Voltaire presenta una serie de reflexiones acerca del método que se debería seguir al escribir un trabajo histórico y de las características que debería tener un historiador ideal. El objetivo de este trabajo es evaluar en qué medida el texto se ajusta a la metodología que Voltaire se propone seguir. Se intenta mostrar que el autor se aleja por momentos (...) de la misma, poniendo en riesgo el plan de la obra. Por otra parte, el artículo pone de relieve ciertas diferencias ideológicas y epistemológicas entre Voltaire y Diderot a propósito de la historia rusa, algo que puede resultar llamativo, en la medida en que sus textos son colocados, en general, bajo las mismas categorías historiográficas. En un plano más general, el texto arroja algunas luces acerca de la teoría de la historia en el siècle des Lumières. ABSTRACT On the first pages of Voltaire's Histoire de l'empire de Russie sous Pierre le Grand, published between 1759 and 1763, he reflects upon the method which should be used when writing a historical work and the characteristics an ideal historian should have. The aim of this paper is to assess to what extent the text follows the methodology Voltaire is proposing. This article attempts to demonstrate that the author himself, occasionally, does not respect his own methodology, jeopardizing the objective of his work. On the other hand, the paper highlights some ideological and epistemological differences between Voltaire and Diderot as regards Russian history, something which may be noteworthy, since their texts are usually studied within the same historiogra-phical categories. In a more general sense, this work sheds some light on the theory of history during the siècle des Lumières. (shrink)

Lack of consideration of the complex European scientific scene from the late 18th century to the mid-decades of the 19th century has produced partial and often biased reconstructions of priorities, worries, implicit and explicit philosophical and at times political agendas characterizing the early debates on species. It is the purpose of this paper firstly to critically assess some significant attempts at broadening the historiographic horizon concerning the immediate context to Darwin's intellectual enterprise, and to devote the second part to arguing (...) that a multi-faceted European debate on the transformation of life forms had already occurred in Europe around 1800. Of this debate, contrary to long cherished views, Lamarck's was only one voice, amongst many. Naturalists active in different national contexts elaborated solutions and proposed doctrines that shared several viewpoints, yet clearly stemmed from a variety of disciplinary traditions and problematic contexts. (shrink)

The presence of an aesthetic judgment in an anthropological, scientific study may seem incongruous. One would think that the human body should be approached only in terms of ‘objective’ criteria of functionality and measurable proportions. However, to our surprise, two adjectives keep coming up in Buffon’s description of the human body in his Histoire naturelle de l’Homme: ‘beautiful’ and ‘ugly’. To be sure, it is possible to determine that a person is beautiful through measurements and observations of bodily and facial (...) symmetry, but most often, these proportions are not enough to explain why we find a person beautiful. How does Buffon think about beauty when he writes the Natural History of Man? Does he understand it as a classificatory tool based on an objective system of measurement, or does he use his personal preference? On what criteria does he judge the physical aspect of the varieties in the human species? (shrink)