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  1. Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology.Joakim Ekman & Erik Amnå - 2012 - Human Affairs 22 (3):283-300.
    Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the article offers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previous definitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civic engagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. In particular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest “political participation” (including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary political action) and less direct or “latent” forms of participation, conceptualized here as “civic engagement” and “social involvement”. (...)
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  • Can Pragmatists be Institutionalists? John Dewey Joins the Non-ideal/Ideal Theory Debate.Shane J. Ralston - 2010 - Human Studies 33 (1):65-84.
    During the 1960s and 1970s, institutionalists and behavioralists in the discipline of political science argued over the legitimacy of the institutional approach to political inquiry. In the discipline of philosophy, a similar debate concerning institutions has never taken place. Yet, a growing number of philosophers are now working out the institutional implications of political ideas in what has become known as “non-ideal theory.” My thesis is two-fold: (1) pragmatism and institutionalism are compatible and (2) non-ideal theorists, following the example of (...)
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  • Methodological uncertainties in political science.Jean Meynaud - 1959 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 2 (1-4):89 – 106.
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  • Beyond the state as the ‘cold monster’: the importance of Russian alternative media in reconfiguring the hegemonic state discourse.Kirill Filimonov & Nico Carpentier - 2023 - Critical Discourse Studies 20 (2):166-182.
    The article brings Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory into the empirical context of contemporary Russia to analyse the complex relationships between the state and alternative media. In contrast to the mainstream narrative that paints the picture of a strong authoritarian state with a grip over democratic liberties and civil society, we suggest a more nuanced perspective on the subject that focuses on the struggle over the articulation of the identity of the state. Through an ethnography (combined with interviews and textual (...)
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  • Automatic Leviathan: Cybernetics and politics in Carl Schmitt’s postwar writings.Nicolas Guilhot - 2020 - History of the Human Sciences 33 (1):128-146.
    This article questions the current vogue of Carl Schmitt among political theorists who read him as an antidote to the depoliticizing force of economics and technology in the age of neoliberalism and its algorithmic rationalities. It takes Schmitt’s sparse reflections about cybernetics and game theory as paradigmatic of the theoretical and political problems raised by any theory positing the autonomy of the political. It suggests that this ultimately misunderstands the role of cybernetic representations of political decision-making in shoring up in (...)
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  • Validity, Rule of Recognition and Stability: Revisiting Analytical Concepts from the Law‐Morals Connection.Miguel Álvarez Ortega - 2012 - Ratio Juris 25 (2):247-262.
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  • The Arts and the Cult of Performance.Garth Allen - 2006 - Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 5 (3):291-304.
    This article is a response to recent revealing political attempts to set a political and social function for the Arts through the establishment of performance criteria. A long-standing feature of the historical development of government policy in the UK has been attempts to judge the effectiveness and efficiency of public activity by invidious comparison to effectiveness and efficiency in so-called ‘private’ industry. This tendency requires continuous critical scrutiny.
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  • What, If Anything, is the Philosophy of Political Science?Gianluca Pozzoni - 2021 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 51 (3):289-311.
    Compared to other philosophies of special sciences, the scope, object, and definition of the philosophy of political science remain vague. This article traces this vagueness to the changing subject matter of political science throughout its history, but argues that all social sciences are subject to radical changes in what count as their defining characteristics. Accordingly, the only legitimate definition of “philosophy of political science” is “the philosophical study of whatever happens to conventionally fall within the scope of political science at (...)
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  • Analysis of the Mechanism of Political Cost in the Complex Environmental Governance System.Xintao Li, Tongshun Cheng, Zaisheng Zhang & Li Zhao - 2022 - Complexity 2022:1-31.
    The emergence of conflicts between environmental safety incidents and protection rights generates sizeable political costs, which endangers the legitimacy of the government as well as political security and stability. This article further examines the role of political costs in environmental issues. First, political costs in relation to environmental issues are defined. An equilibrium strategic analysis is then presented using an evolutionary game model in which the strategic behavioral choices of government, enterprises, and citizens are investigated by embedding political costs in (...)
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  • Rethinking Politicisation.Kari Palonen, Claudia Wiesner, Veith Selk, Niilo Kauppi, Hans-Jörg-Trenz, Claire Dupuy, Virginie Van Ingelgom & Philip Liste - 2019 - Contemporary Political Theory 18 (2):248-281.
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  • Mathematical discourse and cross‐disciplinary communities: The case of political economy.Robert Pahre - 1996 - Social Epistemology 10 (1):55 – 73.
    Abstract This paper explores the role of symbolic languages within and between positivist disciplines. Symbolic languages, of which mathematics is the most important example, consist of tautologically true statements, such as 2 + 2 = 4. These must be operationalized before being useful for positivist research agendas (i.e. two apples and two oranges make four fruit). Disciplines may borrow either the symbolic languages of another discipline or the symbolic language and the accompanying operationalizations. The choice has important theoretical effects, and (...)
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  • Rationality and fatalism: meanings and labels in pre-revolutionary Russia.Daniel W. Bromley - 2020 - Mind and Society 20 (1):103-105.
    Recent interest in the alleged rationality and fatalism of Russian peasants illustrates persistent tendencies to objectify certain social actors—and to assign normative labels to their vexing behavior. Sometimes those labels are demeaning. I call attention to this unpleasant tendency, and ask why some social actors attract our analytical interest, while other social actors escape such scrutiny. This disparity is particularly interesting when the two social actors are engaged in a setting where extractive power is present yet unnoticed.
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  • Historicizing the comparative survey of freedom: tracing the social trajectory of an influential indicator.Emily Zerndt - 2020 - Science in Context 33 (2):121-144.
    ArgumentThe Comparative Survey of Freedom, first published by Freedom House in 1973, is now the most widely used indicator of democracy by both academics and the U.S. government alike. However, literature examining the Survey’s origins is virtually nonexistent. In this article, I use archival records to challenge Freedom House’s retrospective account of the indicator’s creation. Rather than the outcome of a scientific methodology by multiple social scientists, the Survey was produced by a single political scientist, Raymond Gastil, according to his (...)
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  • Phenomenology as a critique of politics.Hwa Yol Jung - 1982 - Human Studies 5 (1):161 - 181.
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  • UNESCO, Adult education and political mobilization.Marcella Milana - 2014 - Confero Essays on Education Philosophy and Politics 2 (1):73-107.
    In this article the author examine the type of mobilization processes that occur via interactions between the UNESCO and other political actors, and how these processes led to the creation of standard-setting and monitoring instruments, like the Belèm Framework for Action (UNESCO 2009) and the Global Report on Adult Learning and Education (UIL 2003, 2013). The findings point at three concurrent processes or modes of mobilization in adult education: landmarking, brokering and framing. Landmarking refers to the process of co-constructing a (...)
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  • Facts and values in politics and Searle's Construction of Social Reality.David Jason Karp - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (2):152-175.
    Contemporary political theory is fractured in its account of ontology and methods. One prominent fault line is between empirical and normative theory – the former usually called ‘philosophy of social science’, or ‘social-science methodology’, and not ‘theory’ at all. A second fault line exists between analytical and post-modern political theory. These fractures prevent political researchers who engage with the same substantive issues, such as the right of same-sex couples to marry, from speaking to one another in a common language. This (...)
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  • Political regimes and advanced liberal oligarchies.José Maurício Domingues - 2019 - Constellations 26 (1):78-93.
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