У статті фокусується увага на проблематиці національної ідентичності, аналізуючи проблеми конструювання історичної пам’яті, пов’язані з ними ситуації забуття, пам’яті, примирення і ворожнечі, конструювання політичного та історичного суб’єктів. Звертаючись до українофільського дискурсу ХІХ століття, автор показує, як конструюється ідеальний суб’єкт, його умоглядний простір і час, і як це може допомогти у розв’язанні актуальних питань сучасної політики, зокрема дебатах довкола історичної пам’яті, національної ідеї, суспільної єдності та діалогу тощо.

The romantic influences behind Ferdinand Tönnies's work, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft [Community and society] (1887), though significant, have been largely obscured due, on the one hand, to the disrepute into which iticism as a philosophical and political movement fell after 1945 and, on the other, to Tönnies's own ambivalence towards the movement and the period. Here we explore the impact of iticism on the revaluation of sentiment, critiques of rationalism in economics and law, the legitimacy of authority, conceptions of the will, (...) and on the organic interpretations of society, history, and language, particularly on the notions of Gemeinwesen (commonwealth) and Gemeinschaft (community). (shrink)

The interdisciplinary field of emotion studies disregarded historical perspectives on translation and left out a substantial body of scientific research on feelings and emotions that was not published in English. Yet these texts were foundational in forging the scientific concept of emotion in experimental psychology in the 19th century. The current approach to emotion science overlooks that translation issues occurred between three languages, German, French, and English, as physiological psychologists at the time were reading each other in these languages all (...) the while writing about the same topics in their respective language. Historical perspectives are important to clarify the ambiguities of emotion terms and include non-Anglophone frameworks into current transdisciplinary debates. (shrink)

It is known that in connection with proposed educational reforms in the German states around 1800, Johann Gottliebe Fichte, following the Enlightenment concepts, developed a program, which considered education as an indispensable human right. In this program, the idea of providing all the citizens with the opportunity to get an education has been formulated as a social task and a condition of social and political modernization. In accordance with Fichte’s thought, over the cultivation of individuals, a new morality, and then, (...) on that basis, a new civic subject had to shape itself. The science thenceforth should have obtained a function of organizing a new society, in Fichte’s vision of it, instead of theology having previously played that role, while the public education system should have mediated the application of the scientific principles of organizing the society and thus to become a driving force in this development process. The generally accessible education and science were conceived by Fichte as autonomous moments of social organization, being the area intact by any immediate influence of authorities and based on the principles of individuals’ free communication. Fichte’s theorem of intersubjectivity has introduced an understanding of teaching as a social and communicative process into the ethical and political, as well as into the educational thought. It was not limited to reproduction of predetermined skills by the subject, but took into account the subject’s formation in the course of actively perception of educational contents and the change of the subject himself taking place by that. Имея в виду произошедшие около 1800 г. в немецких государствах реформы образовательных учреждений, И. Г. Фихте в направлении развития соответствующих просветительских концептов предложил программу, в которой образование обосновывалось в качестве неотъемлемого права человека. В этой программе идея предоставить всем гражданам возможность получения образования была сформулирована как общественная задача и условие социально-политической модернизации. По мысли Фихте, посредством культурного развития индивидов должна была сформироваться новая нравственность и на этой основе — новый гражданский субъект. Функцию обоснования организации нового общества, как оно виделось Фихте, вместо прежде игравшей эту роль теологии отныне должна была получить наука, а общественное образование должно было стать посредником в применении научных принципов формирования общества и тем самым одновременно движущей силой процесса общественного развития. Общедоступное образование и наука мыслились Фихте в качестве автономных моментов организации общества, областей, неподверженных непосредственному влиянию власть предержащих и основанных на принципах свободной коммуникации индивидов. Фихтевская теорема интерсубъективности ввела в этико-политическую и педагогическую мысль понимание обучения как социально-коммуникативного процесса, не ограничивающегося воспроизведением субъектом предзаданных навыков, но имеющего в виду его образование в ходе активного восприятия учебного материала и осуществляющееся при этом изменение самого субъекта. (shrink)

Bildung, a German pedagogical term with the sense of ‘educating oneself’, refers to some of the most complex human activities. It is constitutive for human existence, because it is related to the characteristic of meaning. Because of the great relevance of Bildung for people, education is essential for furthering it. The two purposes of this contribution are: i. to examine the structure of one main process component of Bildung, namely the process of designing an image (Bild) of the changes to (...) be furthered in the educand, and ii. to explain this process component of Bildung. This process is theoretically structured as a subject‐object transformation, and the attempt is made to explain this from an idealistic perspective. Building upon this foundation, the article shows how the process of designing an image for Bildung can be furthered educationally. (shrink)

History of education emerges during the course of the nineteenth century in Germany and is marked by four features. It is educational, and not scientific in nature, because it was written primarily for teacher education and training; it is national, or even nationalistic; it is oriented almost exclusively towards German philosophy; and it is indebted to Lutheran Protestantism. This model of pedagogical historiography leaves its mark on the historiographies that emerged later in England, France, and the United States. Taking the (...) example of Rousseau, this contribution makes it clear that these Lutheran and idealist premises lead to a one-sided historiography, so that the republican tradition in which Rousseau stood could be suppressed. On this basis, the paper points up the methodological necessity in historical research to examine contexts, giving up the idea of one history of education in favor of reconstruction of various traditions. The gain lies in making visible suppressed transnational languages that educational reflection made use of for centuries. In particular, a connection is revealed between the republican education of the eighteenth century in Europe and the concern with the issue of the “good citizen” that has preoccupied the American discussion from Jefferson to the Pragmatists to Diane Ravitch. (shrink)

Republican theorists have paid little attention to the normative problems of secession conflicts. So far, there is no such thing as a democratic republican theory of right of secession ; nor any comprehensive analysis of current TRS has ever been undertaken from a democratic republican point of view. This article tries to fill this second gap as a first step in order to fill that first one. In doing so, it shows how secession conflicts pose threats for two core democratic (...) republican values: freedom and inclusion. The threats are, concretely, those of exclusion, blackmailing minorities, arbitrary permanent majorities, and instability. The article also shows how, due to their respective pro-unionist or pro-secessionist biases, no current TRS seems to be able to handle those threats; and briefly outlines how a democratic republican TRS, based on a non-unilateralist logic, could be developed. (shrink)

A comprehensive examination of Kristeva's work from the seventies to the nineties.