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  1. Reciprocity: Weak or strong? What punishment experiments do (and do not) demonstrate.Francesco Guala - 2012 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (1):1-15.
    Economists and biologists have proposed a distinction between two mechanisms – “strong” and “weak” reciprocity – that may explain the evolution of human sociality. Weak reciprocity theorists emphasize the benefits of long-term cooperation and the use of low-cost strategies to deter free-riders. Strong reciprocity theorists, in contrast, claim that cooperation in social dilemma games can be sustained by costly punishment mechanisms, even in one-shot and finitely repeated games. To support this claim, they have generated a large body of evidence concerning (...)
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  • Household and Kin Provisioning by Hadza Men.Brian M. Wood & Frank W. Marlowe - 2013 - Human Nature 24 (3):280-317.
    We use data collected among Hadza hunter-gatherers between 2005 and 2009 to examine hypotheses about the causes and consequences of men’s foraging and food sharing. We find that Hadza men foraged for a range of food types, including fruit, honey, small animals, and large game. Large game were shared not like common goods, but in ways that significantly advantaged producers’ households. Food sharing and consumption data show that men channeled the foods they produced to their wives, children, and their consanguineal (...)
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  • What Explains Differences in Men’s and Women’s Production?Rebecca Bliege Bird, Brian F. Codding & Douglas W. Bird - 2009 - Human Nature 20 (2):105-129.
    Researchers commonly use long-term average production inequalities to characterize cross-cultural patterns in foraging divisions of labor, but little is known about how the strategies of individuals shape such inequalities. Here, we explore the factors that lead to daily variation in how much men produce relative to women among Martu, contemporary foragers of the Western Desert of Australia. We analyze variation in foraging decisions on temporary foraging camps and find that the percentage of total camp production provided by each gender varies (...)
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  • All inequality is not equal: children correct inequalities using resource value.Alex Shaw & Kristina R. Olson - 2013 - Frontiers in Psychology 4.
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  • More Lessons from the Hadza about Men’s Work.Kristen Hawkes, James F. O’Connell & Nicholas G. Blurton Jones - 2014 - Human Nature 25 (4):596-619.
    Unlike other primate males, men invest substantial effort in producing food that is consumed by others. The Hunting Hypothesis proposes this pattern evolved in early Homo when ancestral mothers began relying on their mates’ hunting to provision dependent offspring. Evidence for this idea comes from hunter-gatherer ethnography, but data we collected in the 1980s among East African Hadza do not support it. There, men targeted big game to the near exclusion of other prey even though they were rarely successful and (...)
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  • Paleolithic public goods games: Why human culture and cooperation did not evolve in one step.Benoît Dubreuil - 2010 - Biology and Philosophy 25 (1):53-73.
    It is widely agreed that humans have specific abilities for cooperation and culture that evolved since their split with their last common ancestor with chimpanzees. Many uncertainties remain, however, about the exact moment in the human lineage when these abilities evolved. This article argues that cooperation and culture did not evolve in one step in the human lineage and that the capacity to stick to long-term and risky cooperative arrangements evolved before properly modern culture. I present evidence that Homo heidelbergensis (...)
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  • Relatedness and investment in children in South Africa.Kermyt G. Anderson - 2005 - Human Nature 16 (1):1-31.
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