. This paper argues that legal philosophy is a social practice undertaken by participants whose views have primacy over non‐participants. This social practice is dynamic, constructive and based on understanding and explanation, in order to meet normative expectations. Legal Philosophy should include Legal Ontology, Legal Epistemology and a Theory of Justice. It is usually claimed that legal philosophy is a branch of a genus called philosophy, but there is no one single definition of it. In this paper it is argued (...) that as a starting point there is a need to choose between three basic traditions in philosophy. (shrink)

This paper takes the dichotomy between “exclusive” and “inclusive” positivism and applies it by analogy to natural-law theories. With John Finnis, and with Beyleved and Brownsword, we have examples of “exclusive natural-law theory,” on which approach the law is valid only if its content satisfies a normative monological moral theory. The discourse theories of Alexy and Habermas are seen instead as “inclusive natural-law theories,” in which the positive law is a constitutive moment in that it identifies moral rules and specifies (...) their meaning. The article argues that inclusive theories of natural law are better suited to expressing an authentic “republican” attitude.*In the seed of the city of the just, a malignant seed is hidden, in its turn: the certainty and pride of being in the right. (Calvino 1997, 162). (shrink)

Institutionalized practices of collective justification are central for theorizing international fairness. Institutions matter because they play a significant part in the construal of fairness claims through the provision of internal standards for moral assessment. Conceptions of international fairness must spell out how collective justification works by addressing the jurisprudential and institutional issues at stake in the specification of the moral grounds for compliance with international institutions on the one hand and international civil disobedience on the other. Theoretical models of institutions (...) that do not pay attention to collective justification are inadequate on fairness grounds. More specifically, mainstream neoliberal institutionalist accounts of international regimes are deeply problematic when used in the normative evaluation of international institutions, as they offer the wrong benchmark for moral assessment, given their roots in a brand of exchange theory that is blind to the distribution of burdens and benefits from cooperation. (shrink)

El positivismo jurídico como teoría sobre la existencia del derecho: un comentario sobre Judging Positivism de Margaret Martin Este comentario examina de forma crítica la concepción de positivismo jurídico que informa el desafío planteado por Margaret Martin contra la substancia y el método de esta tradición intelectual. La afirmación central de este artículo es que su caracterización de la teoría substantiva del positivismo jurídico deja de lado una dimensión más fundamental, y explicativamente previa, relacionada a la teoría positivista de la (...) existencia de los sistemas y normas jurídicas. También sostengo que su caracterización de la metodología descriptiva del positivismo como un proyecto no normativo es demasiado exigente y no puede capturar la relaciones entre derecho y moral reconocidas por los positivistas contemporáneos ni la distinción entre preguntas internas y externas. Estas clarificaciones proporcionan recursos para comenzar a responder algunas de las objeciones de Martín contra el proyecto de Raz. (shrink)

This paper investigates the relations between the concepts of moral harm and moral responsibility, arguing for a circularity between the two. On this basis the conceptual soundness of descriptivism, on which consequentialist and non-consequentialist arguments are often grounded, is questioned. In the last section a certain version of ascriptivism is defended: The circularity is relevant in order to understand how a restricted version of ascriptivism may in fact be well founded.

Can a disastrous policy of illegally invading and occupying a distant country without a legitimate casus belli nevertheless have some good as its unintended consequence? Yes, but one should not generally count on it.