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Many languages have past-and-counterfactuality markers such as English simple past. There have been various attempts to find a common definition for both uses, but I will argue in this paper that they all have problems with ruling out unacceptable interpretations, or accounting for the contrary-to-fact implicature of counterfactual conditionals, or predicting the observed cross-linguistic variation, or a combination thereof. By combining insights from two basic lines of reasoning, I will propose a simple and transparent approach that solves all the observed (...) |
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This article examines the prosody and sequential organisation of repeats in French talk-in-interaction. Repeats in French are used for initiating repair, as well as for registering receipt. I show for two sequential contexts – after first pair parts and after second pair parts – that the action import of the repeat depends on its prosodic design; prosody allows participants to differentiate between repair-initiating and receipt-registering repeats. While questioning repeats make a response conditionally relevant, registering repeats do not – however, they (...) |
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The formal principle of inconsistency in logic, in the form in which it comes from Aristotle, asserts that two contradictory judgments are not both true. Since the 20th century logic has progressed towards ever higher formality, it might be more suitable to say that inconsistent sentences, rather than judgments, cannot be both true.1 The universally accepted and lectured classical calculus of sentences2 adopts this principle without reservations. Some of the more recent logical systems are limiting the scope of its applicability, (...) |
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In logic, Aristotelian diagrams are almost always assumed to be closed under negation, and are thus highly symmetric in nature. In linguistics, by contrast, these diagrams are used to study lexicalization, which is notoriously not closed under negation, thus yielding more asymmetric diagrams. This paper studies the interplay between logical symmetry and linguistic asymmetry in Aristotelian diagrams. I discuss two major symmetric Aristotelian diagrams, viz. the square and the hexagon of opposition, and show how linguistic considerations yield various asymmetric versions (...) |
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This article discusses language universality and language variation, and suggests that there is no feature variation in initial syntax, featural variation arising by metamorphosis under transfer from syntax to PF-morphology. In particular, it explores the Zero Hypothesis, stating that Universal Grammar, UG, only provides two building elements, Root Zero and Edge Feature Zero, zero, as they are purely structural/formal elements with no semantic content in UG. Their potential content is provided by the Concept Mine, a mind-internal but language-external department. UG (...) |
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Litotes, “a figure of speech in which an affirmative is expressed by the negative of the contrary” has had some tough reviews. For Pope and Swift, litotes—stock examples include “no mean feat”, “no small problem”, and “not bad at all”—is “the peculiar talent of Ladies, Whisperers, and Backbiters”; for Orwell, it is a means to affect “an appearance of profundity” that we can deport from English “by memorizing this sentence: A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across (...) |
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This article, the first of a two-part study of the Chomskyan revolution, charts the initial stages of Chomsky’s success. His proposals in Syntactic Structures were very attractive to linguists in the then-dominant program. In particular, Bloomfieldianism had difficulty with syntax, and the transformation was seen as advancing linguistics in that direction; Bloomfieldianism had largely avoided semantics, and the transformation promised new ways to address meaning; and, on a metatheoretical level, the Bloomfieldians were very proud of linguistics’ status as a science, (...) |
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In this paper I have tried to give the SAS some descriptive content with respect to English. I have suggested that correlations of form, function and fit play a central role in accounting for understanding literal and direct communication, and I have tried to take some initial steps towards constructing a plausible theory of such communication incorporating these notions.As with any developing theory, the SAS has a long way to grow. Among the problem areas that need further work are the (...) |
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I show that words with indefinite implicit complements occasion a dilemma for their model theory. There has been only two previous attempts to address this problem, one by Fodor and Fodor (1980) and one by Dowty (1981). Each requires that any word tolerating an implicit complement be treated as ambiguous between two different lexical entries and that a meaning postulate or lexical rule be given to constrain suitably the meanings of the various entries for the word. I show that the (...) |
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Proper names often have shorter variants, e.g., the Boston Common the Common, New York City New York. A description of this phenomenon is proposed that decomposes it into four sub‐processes: Category Ellipsis, Location Ellipsis, Appellation Formation, and Explicit Metonomy. Discussion focusses principally on the former two processes, which produce “nameheods”—briefer alternations of proper names that preserve the naming function. It is argued that the name shortening processes (a) operate in a lexical domain; but (b) are non‐grammatical. An extra‐grammatical analysis of (...) |
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Language mixing is a ubiquitous phenomenon characterizing bilingual speakers. A frequent context where two languages are mixed is the word-internal level, demonstrating how tightly integrated the two grammars are in the mind of a speaker and how they adapt to each other. This raises the question of what the minimal unit of language mixing is, and whether or not this unit differs depending on what the languages are. Some scholars have argued that an uncategorized root serves as a unit, others (...) |
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Modern Standard German does not have distinct forms for nominatives and accusatives in the feminine gender. This is not only unique within Germanic languages, but also quite remarkable from a typological and functional viewpoint, under the plausible assumption that feminine NPs do not differ in animacy from masculine NPs. I will discuss the loss of the N/A distinction for feminines in detail and speculate about possible reasons – among others, that the referents of feminines are not typically animate, that the (...) |
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