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  1. Social boundary mechanisms.Charles Tilly - 2004 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 34 (2):211-236.
    Social boundaries separate us fromthem. Explaining the formation, transformation, activation, and suppression of social boundaries presents knotty problems. It helps to distinguish two sets of mechanisms: (1) those that precipitate boundary change and (2) those that constitute boundary change. Properly speaking, only the constitutive mechanisms produce the effects of boundary change as such. Precipitants of boundary change include encounter, imposition, borrowing, conversation, and incentive shift. Constitutive mechanisms include inscription–erasure, activation–deactivation, site transfer, and relocation. Effects of boundary change include attack–defense sequences. (...)
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  • Norm-based Governance for a New Era: Lessons from Climate Change and COVID-19.Leigh Raymond, Daniel Kelly & Erin Hennes - 2021 - Perspectives on Politics 1:1-14.
    The world has surpassed three million deaths from COVID-19, and faces potentially catastrophic tipping points in the global climate system. Despite the urgency, governments have struggled to address either problem. In this paper, we argue that COVID-19 and anthropogenic climate change (ACC) are critical examples of an emerging type of governance challenge: severe collective action problems that require significant individual behavior change under conditions of hyper- partisanship and scientific misinformation. Building on foundational political science work demonstrating the potential for norms (...)
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  • Analytic Narratives: What they are and how they contribute to historical explanation.Philippe Mongin - 2019 - In Claude Diebolt & Michael Haupert (eds.), Handbook of Cliometrics. Springer.
    The expression "analytic narratives" is used to refer to a range of quite recent studies that lie on the boundaries between history, political science, and economics. These studies purport to explain specific historical events by combining the usual narrative approach of historians with the analytic tools that economists and political scientists draw from formal rational choice theories. Game theory, especially of the extensive form version, is currently prominent among these tools, but there is nothing inevitable about such a technical choice. (...)
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  • Institutional Integrity: Its Meaning and Value.Nikolas Kirby - 2022 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 25 (5):809-834.
    People can have or lack ‘integrity’. But can public institutions? It is common to speak of the ‘integrity’ of such institutions: in popular discourse, legal decisions, law and regulations, and also increasingly, political theory, and proximate disciplines. Such integrity is often said to be at risk of being ‘subverted,’ ‘corroded,’ and ‘corrupted,’ by both forces within and without. Furthermore, the implication is that this is a very worrying thing. The integrity of our institutions, at least, needs to be preserved, supported, (...)
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  • Historical legacies, institutional change, and policy leadership: the case of Alexandre Millerand and the French factory inspectorate. [REVIEW]Frieda Fuchs - 2010 - Theory and Society 39 (1):69-107.
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  • A preference for selfish preferences: The problem of motivations in rational choice political science.Ignacio Sánchez-Cuenca - 2008 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 38 (3):361-378.
    This article analyzes the problem of preference imputation in rational choice political science. I argue against the well-established practice in political science of assuming selfish preferences for purely methodological reasons, regardless of its empirical plausibility (this I call a preference for selfish preferences). Real motivations are overlooked due to difficulties of imputing preferences to agents in a non-arbitrary way in the political realm. I compare the problem of preference imputation in economic and political markets, and I show the harmful consequences (...)
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  • Democratic Reciprocity.Andreas Schedler - 2020 - Journal of Political Philosophy 29 (2):252-278.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Union Democracy Reexamined.Devin Kelly, Jon Agnone, David Olson & Margaret Levi - 2009 - Politics and Society 37 (2):203-228.
    Trade union leaders serve dual, seemingly contradictory roles. They must command militant organizations in conflicts with employers. Simultaneously, they must be accountable and democratically responsive to their members. Few unions possess the institutions or leadership to accomplish both. This article analyzes the practices of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, in which effective contract negotiation and an informed, active rank-and-file democracy are mutually supportive. We offer an alternative to standard accounts of union democracy. While the claims are based on a (...)
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  • Flexible citizenship for a global society.Bruno S. Frey - 2003 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 2 (1):93-114.
    States are ill equipped to meet the challenges of a globalized world. The concept of citizenship with its rights and obligations, including the allegiance owed, is too narrowly defined to exist only between individuals and a state. Today, people identify with, and pay allegiance to, many organizations beyond the state. This article suggests that citizenship could be extended further and be possible between individuals and quasi-governmental organizations, as well as non-governmental organizations, such as churches, clubs, interest groups, functional organizations and (...)
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  • (1 other version)Survey Article: The Legitimacy Deficits of the European Union.Andreas Føllesdal - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (4):441-468.
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  • (1 other version)Tracking justice democratically.Andreas Follesdal - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):324-339.
    Is international judicial human rights review anti-democratic and therefore illegitimate, and objectionably epistocratic to boot? Or is such review compatible with—and even a recommended component of—an epistemic account of democracy? This article defends the latter position, laying out the case for the legitimacy, possibly democratic legitimacy of such judicial review of democratically enacted legislation and policy-making. The article first offers a brief conceptual sketch of the kind of epistemic democracy and the kind of international human rights courts of concern—in particular (...)
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  • Survey Article: The Legitimacy of International Courts.Andreas Follesdal - 2020 - Journal of Political Philosophy 28 (4):476-499.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • (1 other version)Universal human rights as a shared political identity impossible? Necessary? Sufficient?Andreas Føllesdal - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):77-91.
    Abstract: Would a global commitment to international human rights norms provide enough of a sense of community to sustain a legitimate and sufficiently democratic global order? Sceptics worry that human rights cannot help maintain the mutual trust among citizens required for a legitimate political order, since such rights are now too broadly shared. Thus prominent contributors to democratic theory insist that the members of the citizenry must share some features unique to them, to the exclusion of others—be it a European (...)
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  • (1 other version)Survey article: The legitimacy deficits of the european union.Andreas Føllesdal - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (4):441–468.
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  • (1 other version)Tracking justice democratically.Andreas Follesdal - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):324-339.
    Is international judicial human rights review anti-democratic and therefore illegitimate, and objectionably epistocratic to boot? Or is such review compatible with—and even a recommended component of—an epistemic account of democracy? This article defends the latter position, laying out the case for the legitimacy, possibly democratic legitimacy of such judicial review of democratically enacted legislation and policy-making. The article first offers a brief conceptual sketch of the kind of epistemic democracy and the kind of international human rights courts of concern—in particular (...)
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