The role of education in citizen training has been well mapped out in youth education. What has been less studied is how this role comes into being in adult education. By providing illustrative empirical examples from a recently completed study of adult students enrolled in adult education, this article aims to offer a theoretical response to the question of the role of adult education in adult student citizen subjectivity formation. Taking on Diken’s concept of ‘reactive nihilism’, we wish to make (...) the following arguments. First, that citizen formation in adult education, when students are asked about it, is actualised as processes of recovery of will in order to be a successful and happy citizen in society. Secondly, that these processes point towards a role of adult education as one where these formation processes work in tandem with those of the reactive nihilists. This means that the citizen formation processes made possible in this educational site are those marked out by the desire to mobilise one’s will formation so that it adapts to the prevailing societal situation—that of late capitalism, which is a situation not considered by the adult students as possible to change. (shrink)

What obligations are there on voters? This paper argues that voters should make their electoral decision competently, and does so by developing on a recent proposal for democratic legitimacy. It then explores three problems arising from this ‘competency obligation’. First, how should voters be competent? I propose three conditions required for voter competence. Second, how competent should voters be? I argue that the competency required tracks the significance of the consequences of the vote. Third, if the electorate are unlikely to (...) deliver a competent decision, should suffrage be restricted to the competent alone? I defend unrestricted suffrage on the grounds that restricting suffrage cannot guarantee a competently made electoral decision. Instead, obligations on voters should be minimised by political parties satisfying their obligations to be politically sound; if they are sound, then the obligation to be competent can be easily satisfied by voters. (shrink)

In this paper, Tyson E. Lewis challenges the dominant theoretical and practical educational responses to globalization. On the level of public policy, Lewis demonstrates the limitations of both neoliberal privatization and liberal calls for rehabilitating public schooling. On the level of pedagogy, Lewis breaks with the dominant liberal democratic tradition which focuses on the cultivation of democratic dispositions for cosmopolitan citizenship. Shifting focus, Lewis posits a new location for education out of bounds of the common sense of public versus private, (...) nationalism versus cosmopolitanism, inclusion versus exclusion, human versus civil rights. This is the space of the commonwealth whose actors cannot be identified as ‘citizens’ but are rather the anonymous multitude. In conclusion, Lewis finds a model for organizing this commonwealth in the work of Ivan Illich, whose learning networks speak to the urgent political and pedagogical need for exodus from the conceptual vocabulary that defines much of the contemporary field of educational theory. (shrink)

This paper is a survey of recent work on liberal-democratic civic education. The main goal is trying to offer an approach to the dilemmas of public schooling in pluralistic societies. Accordingly, these are some points to discuss: How can a liberal-democracy build a common civic identity among group based diversity? Which values could be shared by democratic citizens who are members of different religious, ethnical or linguistic communities? To sum up, this article wants to show the dificulties of public shools (...) in order to educate children in shared civic virtues. Specially, in a social context in which families and churches socializate them in their particular moral values and religious beliefs. (shrink)

In political philosophy, citizenship is a key concept. Citizenship is tied to rights and duties, as well as to concepts of social justice. Recently, the debate on citizenship has developed a new direction in focusing on qualified notions of citizenship. In this contribution, I shall defend three claims. Firstly, consumer citizenship fits into the discussion of qualified notions of citizenship. Secondly, the debate on qualified notions of citizenship cannot be detached from the normative claims in the philosophy of citizenship more (...) generally. In particular, duties and rights receive a distinct shape when debated in terms of “consumer citizenship”. Thirdly, I shall argue that further normative limits can be established by discussing qualified notions of citizenship as items of a list that need to cohere in normative terms. I shall pay particular attention to environmental citizenship. (shrink)

In this article, I map current conceptions of cosmopolitanism and sketch distinctions between the concept and humanism and multiculturalism. The differences mirror what I take to be a central motif of cosmopolitanism: the capacity to fuse reflective openness to the new with reflective loyalty to the known. This motif invites a reconsideration of the meaning of culture as well as of the relations between home and the world.

The purpose of the work at hand is to address philosophically and critically the issue of how Saudi citizenship education is currently incoherent because it seeks to foster civic loyalty to two distinct and competing doctrines while not recognizing or addressing the tension itself. The conflict in question is between loyalty to the Saudi nation, on the one hand, and the broader Islamic community, on the other. The question which this study attempts to answer is how Saudi Arabia's handling of (...) teaching civic solidarity within national school curriculums poses an identity crisis. I address such complex question primarily through including various literatures in the field of Western political theory, particularly communitarian nationalism. In addition, I examine the 'nationalism' subject taught within Saudi educational settings so as to solidify my claim that there reside two competing forms of civic loyalty in Saudi educational settings. The hope is to shed light on the apparent identity crisis of Saudi citizens and conclude that remedying such incoherent form of belonging is partly possible through acknowledging and addressing the process of civic inculcation taught within educational settings. (shrink)

This dissertation explores the relationship between liberal/secular and religious educations. I begin by tracing what I believe to be the source of tension between liberal/secular and religious educations to two highly influential liberal theories that have affected civic education in particular. I begin with an analysis of John Dewey's naturalistic approach to metaphysics and religion, arguing that Dewey's attitude to religious traditions, when used as a basis for civic education, is insufficient. Specifically, I argue that in Dewey's conception, religious doctrines, (...) principles, ideals, beliefs, and ultimately religious traditions as a whole, are important only instrumentally. Furthermore, I conclude that the only possible outcome once one accepts a prior commitment to Dewey's metaphysics is that reflection and deliberation on the 'religious' will denude it of its distinctively religious character. My major conclusion is that such a view of religion and the religious is egregiously deficient when evaluated in light of the liberal principle of respect for religion and religious diversity. I then move to a critical examination of the second highly influential liberal theory, political liberalism. The conclusion that I highlight in my critique of Rawlsian political liberalism is that a civic education based on the political ideals of political liberalism can pretty much ignore religious conceptions without detriment to the development of young citizens' deliberative capacities. I strongly challenge this conclusion, because I see engagement with religious conceptions as valuable – even necessary – for good citizenship, and for enabling citizens of diverse societies to do justice to/for each other. In the second half of the dissertation, I propose a theoretical framework for this supplemental dimension which is based on virtue epistemology. I focus specifically on the recent work of James Montmarquet, particularly his notion of subjective justification, which I incorporate as an ideal basis for engagement which focuses on reason-giving and validates the role that religious traditions can play in moral and civic deliberation. (shrink)