First developed by human rights lawyers and activists, transitional justice emerged from the so-called third wave of democratisations in Latin America. Over the last 30 years, transitional justice has risen to become a ‘global project’ of global governance. Locating the emergence of transitional justice within the global rise of neoliberalism, this article shows that transitional justice serves an important function in regards to the particularly neoliberal contours of many transitions. Understanding this relation, the article argues, is best served with recourse (...) to what Wendy Brown describes as neoliberalism’s practice of omnus et singulatim, a double process through which ‘communities’ are gathered together as stakeholders to take part in economic activities whilst simultaneously being individualised as ‘responsibilised’ and self-sufficient entrepreneurial units. Taking this concept, I argue that transitional justice also undertakes a process of omnus et singulatim that usefully prefigures and supports processes of neoliberalisation during ‘transition’. Transitional justice, it concludes, does the necessary work of bringing conflictual, traumatised, societies back together, whilst doing so on terms that do not threaten but instead prefigure the individualising demands made upon subjects at the sites of neoliberal transition. (shrink)

The concept of transitional justice occupies an important place in the study of the problem of peace, conflict resolution and social cohesion in the so-called transitional societies, being an integral part of contemporary mainstream political discourse. Within the framework of this discourse, the practice of transitional justice is positioned as necessary condition for overcoming the legacy of the repressive regimes of the past and achieving public consensus in fragile post-conflict societies, which were once highly polarized and, as a result, characterized (...) by a weak common civic identity. The main body of research is devoted to the analysis of various aspects of transitional justice; by default, it is considered as taken for granted. The research is limited to the analysis of its particular problems and contradictions not questioning its relevance to the specifics of the tasks it was designed to solve. As a result, a fairly consistent picture has emerged that depicts a movement of societies once torn apart by civil and military conflicts in a single direction – towards democracy and market economy, a movement where transitional justice procedures perform the most important functions of reconciliation and restoration of violated rights, contributing to the achievement of basic social cohesion. At the same time, the analysis of specific cases of transitional justice implementation in a broader socio-political context provokes doubts in the idea that the weaknesses of transitional justice, identified and described by mainstream theories, are not of structural nature, but rather particular and situational ones. In this regard, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive consideration of the phenomenon of transitional justice involving the methodology of critical analysis. This article proves that transitional justice could not be seen as an adequate response to the complex challenges facing contemporary societies burdened with acute socioeconomic and political contradictions. As a part of a global neoliberal project, transitional justice solves only specific problems, and is rather aimed at consolidating the neoliberal status quo. Transitional justice is not a reliable way to achieve social cohesion in postconflict societies, destabilized by hidden and overt tensions. The model of social cohesion it produces is a very fragile construct built on a negative image of the past and based on the rent principle of benefits and privileges distribution by the beneficiaries of the new regime. Solving the structural problems and contradictions that actually underlie the conflicts and instability in the so-called societies in transition, require not just a revision of particular practices and institutions, but a radical reformatting of the global political paradigm, which should be centered around the concept of socio-economic justice. (shrink)

En noviembre del año 2000, un grupo de paramilitares atacó el corregimiento de Nueva Venecia, una población aislada de la Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta. Este documento argumenta que, a pesar de los múltiples instrumentos legales relativos a los derechos de las víctimas y a la justicia transicional, el Estado colombiano no ha conseguido reparar y dignificar a la población objeto de análisis. Desde un estudio de campo y una descripción del papel del Estado en el caso investigado, se evidencia (...) cuáles han sido los instrumentos que se han implementado y qué resultados pueden haber obtenido. (shrink)

El propósito central de este ensayo consiste en contextualizar el debate contemporáneo entre la abolición de la prostitución o la regulación el trabajo sexual en la dinámica de un humanitarismo sexual altamente sentimentalizado. El texto muestra, en primer lugar, que la compasión —como fuerza central que mueve al humanitarismo sexual a “rescatar” a las víctimas de explotación sexual— no es necesariamente, como sostienen algunos, una fuerza que silencia a quien la recibe. Las diferencias de contexto y de dinámicas políticas, pueden (...) determinar que, en ciertas ocasiones, la compasión efectivamente silencie, mientras que en otras puede dar lugar a dinámicas sociales verdaderamente emancipatorias. El artículo propone, así, que, en cada caso concreto en que aparece la compasión como fuerza movilizadora, se haga un análisis pragmático de los costos y beneficios de este uso. En segundo lugar, el ensayo traslada el marco conceptual anterior a la discusión constitucional sobre la prostitución y el trabajo sexual en Colombia y muestra cómo ésta ocurre en un terreno dominado por un humanitarismo sexual compasivo que ha determinado la “sentimentalización” de los valores de dignidad, autonomía e igualdad. Un análisis pragmático de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional colombiana sobre prostitución, trabajo sexual y tráfico de personas permite concluir, al menos provisionalmente, que la señalada sentimentalización constitucional sustenta, de manera simultánea, el proyecto político de la regulación del trabajo sexual y el de la abolición de la prostitución. (shrink)

This article investigates the critical potential of a contemporary dystopia, The Handmaid’s Tale (Miller 2017-), a U.S. television series adapted from a popular novel by Canadian author Margaret Atwood (1985). The text is widely understood as a feminist intervention that speaks to ongoing struggles against gender oppression, but in this article I consider the invitations that the show offers its viewers in treating race the way that it does, and consider what it means to refuse these invitations in pursuit of (...) a critical feminist understanding of authority, legal subjectivity, and violence. Drawing on the recent turn to genre, my reading focuses on how whiteness is reproduced through this cinematic text and its inculcation of particular ways of seeing, modes of identification and attachment. The Handmaid’s Tale’s post-racial aesthetic means that its thematic engagement with gender, sexuality and resistance actively disavows national and international histories of racist state violence and white supremacy. Its problematic feminism is thus uniquely instructive for understanding how whiteness is reproduced in contemporary (neo)liberal configurations of legal subjectivity and state authority. (shrink)

This article concerns the problems of guilt that emerge in connection with genocide discussed after the Second World War by Hannah Arendt, Karl Jaspers, Jean Améry and Primo Levi. It looks at the different forms of guilt: of perpetrators, bystanders, victims who became perpetrators, and of collective guilt. It argues that a way to understand the structure of guilt is to consider the idea of survivor guilt, and its link to an underlying metaphysics of guilt. It considers primarily Levi's account (...) of survivor and accomplice guilt, and the ‘grey zone’ where judgements become problematic. The aim is to consider the ethical structure that supports our understanding of specific guilt categories, and this is linked to Roy Bhaskar's account of metaReality and the sense of a unity or identity that operates at a deeper level than the difference, conflict and change that the other levels of his thought seek to understand. (shrink)

Transitional justice scholars are increasingly concerned with measuring the impact of transitional justice initiatives. Scholars often assume that TJ mechanisms must be properly designed and ordered to achieve lasting effect, but the impact of TJ timing and sequencing has attracted relatively little theoretical or empirical attention. Focusing on Latin America, this article explores variation within the region as to when TJ occurs and the order in which mechanisms are implemented. We utilize qualitative comparative analysis to assess the impact of TJ (...) timing and sequencing on democratic development. We find little evidence for path dependency owing to the chronological order of mechanisms. We do find, however, that amnesties and trials approach a sufficient condition for democratic consolidation in Latin America; trials, however, come closest to being a necessary condition for successful democratic consolidation. (shrink)

The present book addresses the background, rationale, general structure, and particular aims and arguments characterizing our third and last volume about "humor" and "cruelty". A guiding foray is provided into the vast expert literature that can be retrieved in the Western humanities and social sciences on these two terms. Pivotal thinkers and crucial notions are duly identified, highlighted, and examined. Apposite subsidiary references are also included, especially with regard to psychodynamics and clinical psychology, existentialism, feminism, liberalism, Marxism, and representative recent (...) studies in the philosophy of humor and its cognates. The stage is thus set for the exploration and assessment of the conflicts between humor and cruelty unfolding in Part 2 of Volume 3. Being the philosophical terminus of our entire research project, Volume 3 counterbalances, complements, and, occasionally, complexifies the numerous forms of mutual cooperation between humor and cruelty that the preceding Volume 2 had unearthed and discussed. (shrink)

Part 2 of Volume 3 addresses in detail the conflicts between humor and cruelty, i.e., how cruelty can be unleashed against humor and, conversely, humor can be utilized against cruelty. Potent enmities to mirth and jollity are retrieved from a variety of socio-historical contexts, ranging from Europe’s medieval monasteries to the 2015 Charlie Hebdo massacre. Special attention is paid to the cruel humor and humorous cruelty arising thereof, insofar as such phenomena can reveal critical aspects of today’s neoliberal socio-economic order. (...) In parallel, settings where humor has been used as an instrument to cope with suffered cruelty, whether natural or human in origin, are also retrieved and discussed. These also vary greatly and encompass domains such as hospital wards, 20th-century Jewish ghettoes, and contemporary funeral homes. A set of concluding reflections is then offered on the psychological, theological, ethical, and metaphysical roots of humor—and its cruel rejection. (shrink)

In this paper, I engage with the radical critique of human rights moralism. Radical critics argue that: human rights are myopic ; human rights are demobilising ; human rights are paternalistic ; and human rights are monopolistic. I argue that critics offer important insights into the limits of human rights as a language of social justice. However, critics err insofar as they imply that human rights are irredeemably corrupted and they under-estimate the subversive potential of the moral ideas that underpin (...) the discourse. Building on the idea of human rights as claims, I set out the politicising features of human rights as they are deployed in a practical context of disagreement, conflict, and imbalances of power. I illustrate this discussion with reference to the contemporary struggles of irregular migrants. (shrink)