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  1. (1 other version)Scalar implicatures: experiments at the semantics–pragmatics interface.A. Papafragou - 2003 - Cognition 86 (3):253-282.
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  • Processing inferences at the semantics/pragmatics frontier: Disjunctions and free choice.Emmanuel Chemla & Lewis Bott - 2014 - Cognition 130 (3):380-396.
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  • Number-neutral bare plurals and the multiplicity implicature.Eytan Zweig - 2009 - Linguistics and Philosophy 32 (4):353-407.
    Bare plurals (dogs) behave in ways that quantified plurals (some dogs) do not. For instance, while the sentence John owns dogs implies that John owns more than one dog, its negation John does not own dogs does not mean “John does not own more than one dog”, but rather “John does not own a dog”. A second puzzling behavior is known as the dependent plural reading; when in the scope of another plural, the ‘more than one’ meaning of the plural (...)
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  • Children's command of quantification.Jeffrey Lidz & Julien Musolino - 2002 - Cognition 84 (2):113-154.
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  • Children's Acquisition of Homogeneity in Plural Definite Descriptions.Lyn Tieu, Manuel Križ & Emmanuel Chemla - 2019 - Frontiers in Psychology 10.
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  • From scalar semantics to implicature : Children's interpretation of aspectuals.Anna Papafragou - unknown
    One of the tasks of language learning is the discovery of the intricate division of labour between the lexical-semantic content of an expression and the pragmatic inferences the expression can be used to convey. Here we investigate experimentally the development of the semantics– pragmatics interface, focusing on Greek-speaking five-year-olds’ interpretation of aspectual expressions such as arxizo (‘ start ’) and degree modifiers such as miso (‘ half ’) and mexri ti mesi (‘ halfway ’). Such expressions are known to give (...)
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  • Context in Generalized Conversational Implicatures: The Case of Some.Ludivine E. Dupuy, Jean-Baptiste Van der Henst, Anne Cheylus & Anne C. Reboul - 2016 - Frontiers in Psychology 7:156098.
    There is now general agreement about the optionality of scalar implicatures: the pragmatic interpretation will be accessed depending on the context relative to which the utterance is interpreted. The question, then, is what makes a context upper- (vs. lower-) bounding. Neo-Gricean accounts should predict that contexts including factual information will enhance the rate of pragmatic interpretations. Post-Gricean accounts should predict that contexts including psychological attributions will enhance the rate of pragmatic interpretations. We tested two factors using the quantifier scale all, (...)
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