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  1. Political Quality.David Estlund - 2000 - Social Philosophy and Policy 17 (1):127.
    Political equality is in tension with political quality, and quality has recently been neglected. My thesis is that proper attention to the quality of democratic procedures and their outcomes requires that we accept substantive inequalities of political input in the interest of increasing input overall. Mainly, I hope to refute political egalitarianism, the view that justice or legitimacy requires substantive political equality, specifically equal availability of power or influence over collective choices that have legal force. I hope to show that (...)
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  • The new right and parental choice.Patricia White - 1988 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 22 (2):195–199.
    Patricia White; The New Right and Parental Choice, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 22, Issue 2, 30 May 2006, Pages 195–199, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.
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  • Narratives of identity: Denying empathy in conservative discourses on race, class, and sexuality. [REVIEW]Carol Johnson - 2005 - Theory and Society 34 (1):37-61.
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  • (1 other version)Liberty and Compulsory Education.Peter Gardner - 1983 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 15:109-129.
    Although it is primarily concerned with the value of liberty and the justification of compulsory education, what lies behind much of this paper is the question ‘;Why treat children like children?’ The fact is that we do not regard children as having the same rights, privileges and liberties as adults, and children may not be thought of as deserving the same degree of respect or consideration as their seniors. In the past this has led to some horrific states of affairs, (...)
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  • (1 other version)Liberty and Compulsory Education.Peter Gardner - 1983 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures 15:109-129.
    Although it is primarily concerned with the value of liberty and the justification of compulsory education, what lies behind much of this paper is the question ‘;Why treat children like children?’ The fact is that we do not regard children as having the same rights, privileges and liberties as adults, and children may not be thought of as deserving the same degree of respect or consideration as their seniors. In the past this has led to some horrific states of affairs, (...)
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  • Vote markets, democracy and relational egalitarianism.Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen - 2023 - Economics and Philosophy 39 (3):373-394.
    This paper expounds and defends a relational egalitarian account of the moral wrongfulness of vote markets according to which such markets are incompatible with our relating to one another as equals qua people with views on what we should collectively decide. Two features of this account are especially interesting. First, it shows why vote markets are objectionable even in cases where standard objections to them, such as the complaint that they result in inequality in opportunity for political influence across rich (...)
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  • Confucianism and Liberal Democracy: Some Comments.Fred R. Dallmayr - 2012 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 11 (3):357-368.
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  • The myth of the nation and the creation of the “other”.Eugen Weber - 2003 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 15 (3-4):387-402.
    The nation is a mythic construct whose primary component is a shared language (often one that has been manufactured for the purpose). In the context of popular sovereignty, shared language, like other shared traits, brings with it a seemingly irresistible capacity to demonize those who do not share it. This capacity is faithfully enlisted by politicians looking for means of mass mobilization. The democratic nation‐state therefore displays xenophobic tendencies; yet the urge to combat these tendencies fixes, as permanent and normative (...)
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  • The Confucian Ideal of Great Harmony (Datong 大同), the Daoist Account of Change, and the Theory of Socialism in the Work of Li Dazhao.Xiufen Lu - 2011 - Asian Philosophy 21 (2):171 - 192.
    This paper discusses the theory of socialism endorsed by Li Dazhao, China's first Marxist, as an effort to integrate western ideas into the traditional Chinese thinking during the chaotic years of the 1920s. There are two aspects of Li's theory of socialism which, while related, are distinct: (1) a theory about the nature of socialist society, and (2) a theory about how a socialist society can be achieved in China. Li's development of (1) is influenced by his acceptance of the (...)
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  • Grote’s analysis of Ancient Greek political thought: its significance to J. S. Mill’s idea about ‘active character’ in a liberal democracy.Leo Catana - 2020 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 28 (3):553-572.
    George Grote published the History of Greece between 1846 and 1856, thereby providing the first positive evaluation of democratic Athens in the early modern period and a novel interpret...
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  • Markets in Votes and the Tyranny of Wealth.James Stacey Taylor - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (3):313-328.
    A standard objection to a market in political votes is that it will enable the rich politically to dominate the poor. If a market in votes was allowed then the poor would be the most likely sellers and the rich the most likely buyers. The rich would thus accumulate the votes of the poor, and so the candidates elected and the policies passed would represent only their interests and not those of the electorate as a whole. To ensure that the (...)
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  • We the people/s: Bloody universal principles and ethnic codes.Hans Seigfried - 2001 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (1):63-76.
    This paper tries to shed some light on the paradox that people cling to national ideologies at just the time when nations are counting less and less in social, cultural, economic and political affairs, and when transnational corporations and international organizations increasingly determine the framework of things. Many nations still rigidly think of themselves as independent and sovereign, accountable to no one but themselves, even when our global interdependence can no longer be ignored or denied. Ethnic cleansing and crimes against (...)
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  • Fear of principles? A cautious defense of the Precautionary Principle.Gloria Origgi - 2014 - Mind and Society 13 (2):215-225.
    Should fear guide our actions and governments’ political decisions? A leitmotiv of common sense is that emotions are tricky, they blur our rational capacity of estimating utilities in order to plan action and thus they should be banned from any account of our rational expectations. In this paper I argue that an “heuristic of fear” is the appropriate attitude to adopt in order to cope with extreme risks. I thus defend the Precautionary Principle against the criticism put forward by Cass (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Civic liberalism and the 'dialogical model'of judicial review.Colin Farrelly - 2008 - In Colin Patrick Farrelly & Lawrence Solum (eds.), Virtue jurisprudence. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 489 - 531.
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  • American Principles of Self-Government.Michael Reber - 2003 - Education and Culture 19 (2):3.
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