Many variants of categorial grammar assume an underlying logic which is associative and linear. In relation to left extraction, the former property is challenged by island domains, which involve nonassociativity, and the latter property is challenged by parasitic gaps, which involve nonlinearity. We present a version of type logical grammar including ‘structural inhibition’ for nonassociativity and ‘structural facilitation’ for nonlinearity and we give an account of relativisation including islands and parasitic gaps and their interaction.

We provide a complete binary implicational axiomatization of the positive fragment of propositional dynamic logic. The intended application of this result are completeness proofs for non-classical extensions of positive PDL. Two examples are discussed in this article, namely, a paraconsistent extension with modal De Morgan negation and a substructural extension with the residuated operators of the non-associative Lambek calculus. Informal interpretations of these two extensions are outlined.

The relationship between Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) functional structures (f-structures) for sentences and their semanticinterpretations can be formalized in linear logic in a way thatcorrectly explains the observed interactions between quantifier scopeambiguity, bound anaphora and intensionality.Our linear-logic formalization of the compositional properties ofquantifying expressions in natural language obviates the need forspecial mechanisms, such as Cooper storage, in representing thescoping possibilities of quantifying expressions. Instead, thesemantic contribution of a quantifier is recorded as a linear-logicformula whose use in a proof will establish the (...) scope of thequantifier. Different proofs can lead to different scopes. In eachcomplete proof, the properties of linear logic ensure thatquantifiers are properly scoped. (shrink)

The article presents proofs of the context freeness of a family of typelogical grammars, namely all grammars that are based on a uni- ormultimodal logic of pure residuation, possibly enriched with thestructural rules of Permutation and Expansion for binary modes.

A cut-free Gentzen sequent calculus for Ewald’s intuitionistic tense logic \ is established. By the proof-theoretic method, we prove that, for every set of strictly positive implications S, the classical tense logic \ is embedded into its intuitionistic analogue \ via Kolmogorov, Gödel–Genzten and Kuroda translations respectively. A sufficient and necessary condition for Glivenko type theorem in tense logics is established.

\ is a 7000 line Prolog parser/theorem-prover for logical categorial grammar. In such logical categorial grammar syntax is universal and grammar is reduced to logic: an expression is grammatical if and only if an associated logical statement is a theorem of a fixed calculus. Since the syntactic component is invariant, being the logic of the calculus, logical categorial grammar is purely lexicalist and a particular language model is defined by just a lexical dictionary. The foundational logic of continuity was established (...) by Lambek while a corresponding extension including also logic of discontinuity was established by Morrill and Valentín :167–192, 2010). \ implements a logic including as primitive connectives the continuous and discontinuous connectives of the displacement calculus, additives, 1st order quantifiers, normal modalities, bracket modalities, and universal and existential subexponentials. In this paper we review the rules of inference for these primitive connectives and their linguistic applications, and we survey the principles of Andreoli’s focusing, and of a generalisation of van Benthem’s count-invariance, on the basis of which \ is implemented. (shrink)

Throughout this paper, we are trying to show how and why our Mathematical frame-work seems inappropriate to solve problems in Theory of Computation. More exactly, the concept of turning back in time in paradoxes causes inconsistency in modeling of the concept of Time in some semantic situations. As we see in the first chapter, by introducing a version of “Unexpected Hanging Paradox”,first we attempt to open a new explanation for some paradoxes. In the second step, by applying this paradox, it (...) is demonstrated that any formalized system for the Theory of Computation based on Classical Logic and Turing Model of Computation leads us to a contradiction. We conclude that our mathematical frame work is inappropriate for Theory of Computation. Furthermore, the result provides us a reason that many problems in Complexity Theory resist to be solved.(This work is completed in 2017 -5- 2, it is in vixra in 2017-5-14, presented in Unilog 2018, Vichy). (shrink)

We consider a simple modal logic whose nonmodal part has conjunction and disjunction as connectives and whose modalities come in adjoint pairs, but are not in general closure operators. Despite absence of negation and implication, and of axioms corresponding to the characteristic axioms of _T_, _S4_, and _S5_, such logics are useful, as shown in previous work by Baltag, Coecke, and the first author, for encoding and reasoning about information and misinformation in multiagent systems. For the propositional-only fragment of such (...) a dynamic epistemic logic, we present an algebraic semantics, using lattices with agent-indexed families of adjoint pairs of operators, and a cut-free sequent calculus. The calculus exploits operators on sequents, in the style of “nested” or “tree-sequent” calculi; cut-admissibility is shown by constructive syntactic methods. The applicability of the logic is illustrated by reasoning about the muddy children puzzle, for which the calculus is augmented with extra rules to express the facts of the muddy children scenario. (shrink)

Every language recognized by the Lambek calculus with brackets is context-free. This is shown by combining an observation by Jäger with an entirely straightforward adaptation of the method Pentus used for the original Lambek calculus. The case of the variant of the calculus allowing sequents with empty antecedents is slightly more complicated, requiring a restricted use of the multiplicative unit.

Even though residuation is at the core of Categorial Grammar (Lambek, 1958), it is not always immediate to realize how standard logical systems like Multi-modal Categorial Type Logics (MCTL) (Moortgat, 1997) actually embody this property. In this paper, we focus on the basic system NL (Lambek, 1961) and its extension with unary modalities NL() (Moortgat, 1996), and we spell things out by means of Display Calculi (DC) (Belnap, 1982; Goré, 1998). The use of structural operators in DC permits a sharp (...) distinction between the core properties we want to impose on the logical system and the way these properties are projected into the logical operators. We will show how we can obtain Lambek residuated triple \, / and of binary operators, and how the operators and introduced by Moortgat (1996) are indeed their unary counterpart.In the second part of the paper we turn to other important algebraic properties which are usually investigated in conjunction with residuation (Birkhoff, 1967): Galois and dual Galois connections. Again, DC let us readily define logical calculi capturing them. We also provide preliminary ideas on how to use these new operators when modeling linguistic phenomena. (shrink)

We give a proof-theoretic and algorithmic complexity analysis for systems introduced by Morrill to serve as the core of the CatLog categorial grammar parser. We consider two recent versions of Morrill’s calculi, and focus on their fragments including multiplicative (Lambek) connectives, additive conjunction and disjunction, brackets and bracket modalities, and the! subexponential modality. For both systems, we resolve issues connected with the cut rule and provide necessary modifications, after which we prove admissibility of cut (cut elimination theorem). We also prove (...) algorithmic undecidability for both calculi, and show that categorial grammars based on them can generate arbitrary recursively enumerable languages. (shrink)

This paper describes a prototype implementation of a Labelled Deduction System for natural language interpretation, where interpretation is taken to be the process of understanding a natural language utterance. The implementation models the process of understanding wh-gap dependencies in questions and relative clauses for a fragment of English. The paper is divided in three main sections. In Section 1, we introduce the basic architecture of the system. Section 2 outlines a prototype implementation of wh-binding and indicates its potential for explanation (...) of linguistic phenomena, and in Section 3 we briefly set the model within a large theoretical perspective, comparing it to other type-logical approaches to natural language analysis. (shrink)