In the face of mounting militarism in south Asia, this essay turns to anti-state, ‘liberatory’ movements in the region that employ violence to achieve their political aims. It explores some of the ethical quandaries that arise from the embrace of such violence, particularly for feminists for whom political violence and militarism is today a moot point. Feminist responses towards resistant political violence have, however, been less straightforward than towards the violence of the state, suggesting a more ambivalent ethical position towards (...) the former than the latter. The nature of this ambivalence can be located in a postcolonial feminist ethics that is conceptually committed to the use of political violence in certain, albeit exceptional circumstances on the basis of the ethical ends that this violence (as opposed to other oppressive violence) serves. In opening up this ethical ambivalence — or the ethics of ambiguity, as Simone de Beauvoir says — to interrogation and reflection, I underscore the difficulties involved in ethically discriminating between forms of violence, especially when we consider the manner in which such distinctions rely on and reproduce gendered modes of power. This raises particular problems for current feminist appraisals of resistant political violence as an expression of women's empowerment and ‘agency’. (shrink)

Gender scholars have argued that legal reforms against violence position women as victims in need of state help. Using data collected from 22 months of participant observation with survivors of domestic violence in India, I urge academics to re-theorize the relationship between legal reforms and women’s citizenship during an era of neoliberal governance. Burdened with administrative tasks, Indian law enforcement personnel manage new rights claims by displacing regulatory duties onto survivors and caseworkers. Women who have access to women’s organizations are (...) able to take advantage of these changes and “save” themselves and other women from violence. This article shows how neoliberal governmentality, when combined with women’s organizing, has the potential to restructure women’s relationship to the state. (shrink)

In the drought-prone regions of Maharashtra State, a growing social movement for equitable water distribution is engaging the help of engineers to build technical projects. This movement aims to challenge the state’s agroindustrial development model favoring water-intensive sugarcane farming by redistributing water. This article examines the Baliraja Memorial Dam, located in southwestern Maharashtra. Through the dam, 400 families in the villages of Balawadi and Tandulwadi will receive a share of water for irrigation and domestic needs. This article explores the Baliraja (...) Dam as an appropriate technology project designed jointly by village farmers, engineers, and social activists. Through this unique alliance, Baliraja was designed to meet the needs of ecological restoration, community empowerment, and democratic technological design. The pioneering success of the Baliraja effort has prompted other communities to pressure the state irrigation bureaucracy to address the ecological and human costs of prolonged drought and water misuse. (shrink)

In spite of their drastically different historical trajectories, the ongoing socio-political transition in the European Union (EU) and the Indian Republic (IR), two of the most complex polities in contemporary world, suggests that they aspire to combine political federalism and cultural pluralism. This is evident from their endorsing equality, identity and inclusivity as values; implementing political decentralization and facilitating differentiation between state, civil society and market. To meet the emerging challenges both the EU and the IR endorse the idea of (...) unity in diversity. The article suggests that two coping strategies, transforming cultural diversity (a fact) into cultural pluralism (a value) and decoupling the identities of citizenship and nationality are imperatives. (shrink)

Using a brain transplant paradigm, we examined the role of culture and status on beliefs about social and personal identity among Indians and American participants. Participants were presented a vignette about a hypothetical BT between members of two different ethnic groups and asked the following two questions: whether a BT would change how the recipient would act; whether the BT would change the social identity of the recipient. Americans believed that the BT recipient would act as the ethnicity of the (...) donor. By contrast, Brahmin participants believed that a Brahmin recipient of a Dalit brain would act like a Dalit but a Dalit who received a BT from a Brahmin would not act like a Brahmin. Both Americans and Indians believed that the social identity of a person would not be changed by a brain transplant. The role of culture and social status in affecting various implicit theories of identities are discussed. (shrink)