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  1. The open borders debate, migration as settlement, and the right to travel.Ugur Altundal - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    The philosophical debate on the freedom of movement focuses almost exclusively on long-term migration, what I call, migration as settlement. The normative justifications defending border controls assume that the movement of people across political borders, independent of its purpose and the length of stay, refers to migration as settlement. “Global mobility,” “international movement,” and “immigration” are oftenused interchangeably. However, global mobility also refers to the movements of people across international borders for a short length of time such as travel, short-term (...)
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  • Temporary Labor Migration within the EU as Structural Injustice.Alasia Nuti - 2018 - Ethics and International Affairs 32 (2):203-225.
    Temporary labor migration constitutes a significant trend of migration movements within the European Union, especially after the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements. However, compared to other forms of TLM, intra-EU TLM has received scant attention from normative theorists. By drawing on Iris Marion Young's conception of structural injustice, this article analyzes the injustice of TLM within the EU. It argues that purely rights-based approaches are deficient and that a structural injustice approach is needed. The latter sheds light on the formal (...)
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  • On the Rights of Temporary Migrants.Luara Ferracioli & Christian Barry - 2018 - The Journal of Legal Studies 47 (S1): S149-S168.
    Temporary workers stand to gain from temporary migration programs, which can also benefit sender and recipient states. Some critics of temporary migration programs, however, argue that failing to extend citizenship rights or a secure pathway to permanent residency to such migrants places them in an unacceptable position of domination with respect to other members of society. We shall argue that access to permanent residency and citizenship rights should not be regarded as a condition for the moral permissibility of such programs. (...)
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  • The Openness-Rights Trade-off in Labour Migration, Claims to Membership, and Justice.Christopher Bertram - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (2):283-296.
    This paper looks at a recent challenge to the liberal inclusivist view that everyone on the state’s territory should have a path to citizenship. Economists have argued that giving immigrants an inferior legal status would persuade wealthy countries to admit more, with beneficial consequences for global justice. Whilst this trade-off might seem appealing from the impersonal perspective of the policymaker it generates incoherence from the perpective of the collective of democratic citizens, since it requires them to treat their own unjust (...)
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  • Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  • Temporary Migration Projects, Special Rights and Social Dumping.Valeria Ottonelli & Tiziana Torresi - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (2):267-281.
    It is often argued that in order to prevent migration from having social dumping effects, a strict enforcement of equal labour and welfare rights for both migrants and local workers is required. However, we claim that the specific circumstances of those migrants who engage in temporary migration may require a regime of special rights and labour standards that protect and further their distinctive interests and needs. We defend this claim by appealing to the principle that labour and welfare rights should (...)
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  • Conditions of care: Migration, vulnerability, and individual autonomy.Christine Straehle - 2013 - International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 6 (2):122.
    International migration has a female face in the beginning of the twenty-first century; since at least 1990, a total of 49 percent of international migrants have been women (UN 2008).1 Many women relocate in pursuit of goals that they can’t realize in their countries of origin, and many women move on their own to developed countries as caregivers to the very old or the very young, as nurses to attend to the sick in hospitals, and as domestic workers.2 How should (...)
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  • Precarious work and its complicit network.Chuanfei Chin - 2019 - Journal of Contemporary Asia 49.
    How does precarious work entail social vulnerabilities and moral complicities? Theorists of precarity pose two challenges for analysing labour conditions in Asia. Their first challenge is to distinguish the new kinds of social vulnerability which constitute precarious work. The second is to assign moral responsibility in the social network that produces vulnerability in depoliticised and morally detached ways. In this article, the social and normative dimensions of precarious work are connected through a conceptual investigation into how Singapore allocates responsibility for (...)
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  • EU migration, out-of-work benefits and reciprocity: Are member states justified in restricting access to welfare rights?Dimitrios Efthymiou - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (3):547-567.
    This article examines whether restrictions on access to welfare rights for EU immigrants are justifiable on grounds of reciprocity. Recently political theorists have supported some robust restricti...
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  • Why Temporary Labour Migration is Not a Satisfactory Alternative to Permanent Migration.Patti Tamara Lenard - 2012 - Journal of International Political Theory 8 (1-2):172-183.
    Temporary labour migration programs are often proposed as a way to provide the benefits of migration in general, while mitigating the allegedly problematic effects of permanent migration. Here I propose that the arguments deployed in favour of temporary labour migration over permanent migration are flawed, normatively, and that empirically temporary labour migration programs produce effects in receiving states that are even worse than those (allegedly) produced by permanent migration. As a result, I shall argue that, for reasons of consistency, advocates (...)
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  • The ethics of return migration and education: transnational duties in migratory processes.Juan Espindola & Mónica Jacobo-Suárez - 2018 - Journal of Global Ethics 14 (1):54-70.
    ABSTRACTThis paper argues that most prominent normative theories on immigration neglect a critical dimension of the migratory phenomenon, a neglect that blinds them to important rights that, under some circumstances, immigrants ought to have as a matter of justice. Specifically, the paper argues that these theories fail to appreciate that the children of immigrant families, regardless of whether they were born in their parents’ country or in the host country, should benefit from educational rights addressing needs that are particular to (...)
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  • A Fluid Demos for a Hypermigration Polity.Enrico Biale - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (1):101-117.
    In this paper I will hold that it is desirable to ensure people be included within the borders and the political community both, but I will point out the potential incompatibility of the two. In an open-borders society, members of a polity would not be exclusively individuals who expect to stay in a country for a long time but also people who temporarily work and live there. Among this latter group would be individuals who would continuously migrate—call them hypermigrants. While (...)
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