Formal semantics constitutes the framework of this thesis, and the aim is to characterise the semantics of the progressive, as it appears in sentence. Max was running towards the station Among the problems is one known as the "imperfective paradox". According to intuitions, sentence entails, but no entailment holds between and. Max was running towards the station Max ran towards the station Max was running to the station Max ran to the station Since and would seem to have the same (...) logical form, they ought to have similar entailments. Why is this not so? This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part, containing chapters 2 to 5, evaluates the current formal theories that tackle the imperfective paradox. Solving the imperfective paradox consists of two tasks: the first is to characterise a semantic distinction between and, and the second is to supply a semantic analysis of the progressive that is sensitive to this distinction and so results in a solution to the imperfective paradox. According to how the current theories tackle these two tasks, they can be classified into three camps which I will name as follows: the Heterogeneous Strategy provides one approach for fulfilling the first task, the Eventual Outcome Strategy provides an approach for defining the semantics of the progressive, and the Event-based Strategy provides a further alternative for achieving the two tasks at hand. All these strategies are intuitively motivated, but we will argue that they are ultimately untenable. The Heterogeneous Strategy and the Event-based Strategy fail to mesh with the treatment of point adverbials such as "At 3pm", and the Eventual Outcome Strategy produces a definition of the progressive that is viciously circular. Thus although the current theories that tackle the imperfective paradox are highly intuitively motivated, we will ultimately show that the formulations of these intuitions give rise to conflicts and tensions when it comes to explaining the natural language data. The second part of the thesis, containing chapters 6 and 7, offers a new approach for tackling the imperfective paradox. This new approach invokes two tools; the interval-based temporal logic IQ, and Moens' event-based AI model of temporal reference. IQ is an interval-based temporal logic with several innovations. First, unlike the previous interval-based theories, IQ maintains a high level of homogeneity: an atomic sentence is true at an interval I only if it is true at all subintervals of I. Second, IQ offers a technique whereby temporal expressions can have representations that receive their semantic interpretation with respect to context. We use the roles of homogeneity and context in IQ to characterise the semantics of aspect, where the characterisation is based on Moens' model. This provides an arena in which to tackle the imperfective paradox anew. We explain the entailment between and, and at the same time explain why no entailment holds between and. Furthermore, we overcome the problems concerning the treatment of adverbials such as "At 3pm" that are encountered in the Heterogeneous Strategy and the Event-based Strategy, and, since we do not adopt the Eventual Outcome Strategy in defining the progressive, we overcome that strategy's problem of circularity. Hence our solution to the imperfective paradox will provide answers to the puzzles posed in the earlier chapters of the thesis. (shrink)

This article discusses the logical form of action sentences with particular attention to the role of adverbial modification, reviewing and extending the event analysis of action sentences.

I discuss two competing theories of the progressive: the theory proposed in Parsons (1980, 1985, 1989, 1990) and the theory proposed in Landman (1992). These theories differ in more than one way. Landman regards the progressive as an intentional operator, while Parsons doesn't. Moreover, Landman and Parsons disagree on what uninflected predicates denote. For Landman, cross the street has in its denotation complete events of crossing the street; the aspectual contribution of English simple past (perfective aspect) is the identity function. (...) For Parsons, both complete and incomplete events of crossing the street can be in the denotation of the base VP; perfective aspect restricts its denotation to the events that culminate. I present a version of ParsonÕs theory that avoids the problems raised by Landman, in particular the problem posed for Parsons by creation verbs. The repaired version and Landman's theory still differ in the way they analyze uninflected verbs. The repaired version and Landman's theory still differ in the way they analyze uninflected predicates. I present evidence from Slavic languages that both theories are needed. Finally, I discuss some evidence that may favor one or the other approach to the semantics of the English progressive. (shrink)

In this paper I propose a novel treatment of generic sentences, which proceeds by means of different levels of analysis. According to this account, all generic sentences (I-generics and D-generics alike) are initially treated in a uniform manner, as involving higher-order predication (following the work of George Boolos, James Higginbotham and Barry Schein on plurals). Their non-uniform character, however, re-emerges at subsequent levels of analysis, when the higher-order predications of the first level are cashed out in terms of quantification over (...) individuals: this last step, I suggest, involves knowledge concerning the lexical meaning of the predicates in question. (shrink)

This paper has two goals. The first is to formulate an adequate account of the semantics of the progressive aspect in English: the semantics of Agatha is making a cake, as opposed to Agatha makes a cake. This account presupposes a version of the so-called Aristotelian classification of verbs in English into EVENT, PROCESS and STATE verbs. The second goal of this paper is to refine this classification so as to account for the infamous category switch problem, the problem of (...) how it is that modification of a verb like run by an adverbial like to the store can turn a PROCESS phrase (run) into an EVENT phrase (run to the store). Views discussed include those of Aqvist, Bach, Bennett, Bennett and Partee, Dowry, Montague and Scott, and Vendler. (shrink)