This article examines the tradition of punitive house demolition during the Roman Republic, but from a sociocultural rather than institutional-legal perspective. Exploiting recent scholarship on the Roman house, on exemplarity, and on memory sanctions, I argue that narratives of house demolition constitute a form of ethically inflected political discourse, whose purpose is to stigmatize certain social actors as malefactors of a particular sort . The demolition itself is symbolically resonant, and the resultant stigma is propagated by subsequent monuments—various structures, toponyms, (...) narratives, etc.—that attach to the housesite. These monuments are thought to bear the trace of what went before, hence transmit an account of the alleged malefactor's deed and disgrace. Far from obliterating the doer of misdeeds, then, the discourse of punitive house demolition fixes him in cultural memory as a negative exemplum. (shrink)

This article studies the adoption of the nickname Malleolus by members of the gens Publicia in mid-republican Rome to illustrate the importance of grounding cultural history in the lives of seemingly minor political players and the mundane objects with which they came to be associated. After reviewing the occupational significance of hammers during the First Punic War, I scrutinize the ritual and cultic intersignifications of hammers in fourth- and third-century BCE central Italy in order to set up a comprehensive reconstruction (...) of the social and semiotic networks that structured and mediated the dedication of a temple to the goddess Flora by the brothers Publicii Malleoli at a time of internal political crisis and external conflict. Central to the political and intercultural contests of mid-republican Rome was the generative force of the polyvalent and object-centered cognomen in establishing and promoting individual and collective identities. (shrink)

Summary Descriptions of the administration of imperial domains in Africa Proconsularis share much common ground in their interpretations. The literature features a widespread emphasis on the special role of the governments of Trajan and Hadrian in reorganising the imperial domains in this province – and especially in the Bagradas Valley, which has furnished us with exceptional epigraphic material in the form of agrarian inscriptions. While the 2nd-century administrative operations of imperial domains are fairly well understood – mainly due to this (...) category of inscriptions – the 1st century remains something of a mystery. Researchers have dated the beginning of fundamental changes to how domain administration was organised to the times of the Flavians, after the great confiscations of Nero. However, a re-interpretation of a procuratorial title from CIL VIII 14727 = ILPBardo 229 and a broader analysis of the epigraphic material shed new light on the beginnings of the administration of imperial domains in Africa Proconsularis, and especially in the grain-growing region of Byzacium; there, perhaps even in the mid-1st century, there was an imperial administration and a domain district modelled after another grain province of Egypt. (shrink)

Apuleius tells us of his own popularity as a writer, and yet both the literary and the material records are silent about his works for almost one hundred and fifty years after his death. Various attempts to identify allusions to his works before Lactantius and other fourth-century authors have proven unconvincing. This article suggests that there is a clear allusion to theMetamorphosesin Tertullian's treatiseAduersus Valentinianos(beginning of the third century). Tertullian uses Apuleius to denigrate the Valentinians and to assimilate the name (...) of one of their gods to the braying of an ass. (shrink)

The idea that ‘Horace repeatedly puns on his name’ has recently sprung up again. Flaccus we are told means ‘limp’ and Horace uses his name to make various jokes about impotence. This is a load of cobblers.

The idea that ‘Horace repeatedly puns on his name’ has recently sprung up again.Flaccuswe are told means ‘limp’ and Horace uses his name to make various jokes about impotence. This is a load of cobblers.

On the outside wall and in the vestibule of the ‘House of Publius Paquius Proculus’ in Pompeii (building I.7.1) three graffiti containing the name Cucuta can be found. The first simply readsCucuta(CIL4.8065 [outside wall]). The second tells us that Cucuta was an attendant of the Emperor Nero (CIL4.8066 [outside wall]):Cu(cuta) | Cucuta Ner(onis).From the third we learn that Cucuta was a financial secretary (a rationibus) of Nero (CIL4.8075 [vestibule]):Cucuta ab ra[t]ioni[b]us | Neronis Augusti. While the meaning and significance of these (...) graffiti may seem apparent—that one of Nero's attendants scratched his name on the wall and vestibule pillar as he waited for the emperor to return from a meeting—the closeness betweenCucuta(an otherwise unattested name) andcicuta(hemlock) raises a key question: should we readCucutaasCicutaand therefore understand the third graffito in particular as a joke about Nero's rumoured fondness for killing family, friends and his senatorial enemies with poison? In other words, is it Poison, and not a person, that keeps Nero's finances in order? And, if so, can theCucutagraffiti give us an alternative insight into the plethora of wall inscriptions found outside building I.7.1 greeting Publius Paquius Proculus and recommending him for office? (shrink)

The formulacognomen + nomen, as portrayed inLatronis enim Porcii(Sen.Controv. 1praef. 13), the first double-name reference withoutpraenomenin Seneca the Elder's work (henceforth referred to simply as Seneca), emerged as a result of the radical changes which the Roman onomastic system began to experience at the end of the Republic. On account of a wide variety of factors, both social and linguistic, thecognomenseized the role of diacritic name and individual signifier, having oustedpraenomenfrom its ancient throne; the relatively limited number ofpraenominain common use (...) contributed substantially to their waning. The formulae of two constituents visibly reflected the progressive decline ofpraenomina; during the Early Principate double names still represented the usual formal means of reference (tria nominabeing highly formal, mostly occurring in official contexts), but it mostly consisted ofnomen + cognomenrather thanpraenomen + nomenorpraenomen + cognomen. The formulanomen + cognomen, which developed once personalcognominabegan to spread among the lesser classes, was primarily crafted for addressing men of ambiguous status,peregriniand freedmen. Thus, Cicero tends to avoid its use in naming members of the nobility, whom he refers to with a clear preference for the older, lustrous conjunctionpraenomen + cognomen. (shrink)