Alice Le Goff ,Christian Nadeau | : Ce texte constitue une introduction au dossier. Il introduit les différentes contributions en mettant en relief leurs principales orientations. Ce faisant, il propose donc une cartographie conceptuelle, forcément partielle, des enjeux associés à la notion de démocratie épistémique et des enjeux du croisement de cette notion avec celle de démocratie de contestation. En un premier temps, nous revenons sur l’apport du procéduralisme épistémique et sur les questions qu’il soulève. Ensuite, nous revenons sur le (...) néo-pragmatisme et la façon dont il permet d’envisager une justification épistémique de la démocratie. Puis nous mettons l’accent sur les enjeux d’un dialogue entre modèle républicain de la démocratie contestataire et modèle épistémique. Enfin, le texte propose un résumé du parcours proposé dans le cadre de ce dossier. | : This introduction brings out the main lines of the articles collected in the present issue. Our aim is to provide the reader with a conceptual overview of the main stakes of epistemic democracy and of its intersections with the model of contestatory democracy. First, we focus on epistemic proceduralism, its contributions and the questions it raises. Second, we emphasize the way neo-pragmatism deals with the epistemic justification of democracy. Then, we insist on the interest of a dialogue between epistemic democracy and the neo-republican model of contestatory democracy. Finally, the text sums up the path followed in that issue. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Something is Taking its Course What's Happening, What's Happening? Bare Interior Endgame References.

This article explains how the issue of inclusion is central to Habermas’s theory of democracy and how it is deeply rooted in his conception of a political public sphere. After recalling Habermas’s views on the public sphere, I present and discuss various objections raised by other critical theorists: Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge, Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth and Iris Marion Young. These criticisms insist on the paradoxically excluding effects of a conception of democracy that promotes civic participation in the public (...) debate. Negt, Kluge and Fraser develop a Marxist line of analysis that question who can participate in the public sphere. Honneth and Young criticize in various ways the excluding effect of argumentation: are unargumentative speeches excluded from the public debate? I show how Habermas’s model can provide some responses to these various objections by drawing inspiration from his treatment of the gap between religious and post-metaphysical world views. (shrink)

In current discussions on contemporary political philosophy some commonplaces around Rancière’s thought are restated with the effect of neutralizing the potential of his reflections. I refer in particular to the following assumptions: a dichotomic understanding of Rancière’s distinction between politics and the police, an ontological interpretation of this difference, an identification of Rancière’s political propositions as anti-institutionalist; a reading of the practices of emancipation as something ephemeral without a durable effect for the common world. In this article I question these (...) assumptions by emphasizing some usually neglected aspects of Rancière’s arguments. (shrink)

The article offers a conversation with the ghost of the madman ‘Jacotot/rancière’: one of the possible dialogues between the ignorant schoolmaster and my own perplexities in what I feel to be an endgame. Is there any point at the present time, in the declining mercantilist university, in pondering once again the issue of the place of philosophy in institutions responsible for training people who will work in the sphere of education? ‘We’ knew the old words, so the article goes, but (...) now we are no longer sure they mean anything. And we are not keen to learn the new ones: we do not trust them, they are irrelevant to us. Moreover, we are sad and tired. All we feel is rage and impotence. Will we be capable of trying all the words once again: university, philosophy, education? Will we be capable of trying all the verbs once again: reading, writing, conversing, perhaps thinking? (shrink)

The article presents an introduction to the Special Issue on the French philosopher Jacques Rancière who raises a provocative voice in the current public debate on democracy, equality and education. Instead of merely criticizing current practices and discourses, the attractiveness of Rancière's work is that he does try to formulate in a positive way what democracy is about, how equality can be a pedagogic or educational (instead of policy) concern, and what the public and democratic role of education is. His (...) work opens up a space to rethink and to study, as well as to ‘re-practice’, what democracy and equality in education are about. He questions the current neutralisation of politics that is motivated by a hatred of democracy. This questioning is for Rancière also a struggle over words. Against the old philosophical dream of defining the meaning of words, Rancière underlines the need for the struggle over their meaning. The aim of the article is to clarify how and why education, equality, and democracy are a major concern throughout his work and to offer an introduction to the articles collected in the Special Issue. (shrink)

Starting from a Foucaultian perspective, the article draws attention to current developments that neutralise democracy through the 'governmentalisation of democracy' and processes of 'governmental subjectivation'. Here, ideas of Rancière are introduced in order to clarify how democracy takes place through the paradoxical process of 'political subjectivation', that is, a disengagement with governmental subjectivation through the verification of one's equality in demonstrating a wrong. We will argue that democracy takes place through the paradoxical process of political subjectivation, and that today's consensus (...) society tends to depoliticize all processes of subjectivation. A final step in the argumentation is to introduce the concept of 'pedagogic subjectivation'—to be understood as the experience of potentiality—that is to be distinguished from governmental subjectivation and also from political subjectivation. The concept 'pedagogic subjectivation' is proposed as a way of thinking of the school as a public place. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction Of Masters, Intellectuals and Inequality On Lessons, Equality, Democracy Focus and Contributions to the book Notes Acknowledgement References Bibliography Jacques Rancière.

En amont des terrains professionnels, il est intéressant d’analyser la participation que les centres de formation laissent à leurs usagers – les étudiants – dans l’élaboration des dispositifs formatifs qu’ils investissent. Ce que les formateurs favorisent comme attitudes estudiantines est fondateur dans la transmission de l’habitus professionnel, ainsi nous faisons l’hypothèse que l’expérience d’une place en tant qu’étudiant construit le regard qui sera ensuite porté sur la possible participation des usagers. Pour analyser la participation estudiantine, nous suivrons le cheminement des (...) évaluations qu’étudiants et formateurs font du dispositif dans leur prise en compte et dans leurs retombées pour l’avenir de la formation, à l’échelle d’un institut. Ainsi, nous montrerons que la fabrication des agencements formatifs revient aux formateurs. Dans le cadre d’une lecture foucaldienne en termes de pouvoir, les étudiants doivent toujours remettre leurs paroles et propositions aux formateurs qui, de manière discrétionnaire, décideront de l’avenir. La seule entité que l’étudiant peut produire, c’est lui‑même. Pour le reste, il n’a pas de participation réelle et directe à l’élaboration de ce qui le concerne. (shrink)

My goal is to offer a strategy for understanding the intended effect of Žižek's sociopolitical writings. Although many critics are suspicious of Žižek's lack of a positive program for action or his rejection of liberal democracy, my conviction is that these concerns miss something essential in Žižek's endeavor as an intervention: Žižek's continual insistence on the need to “reformulate” the Left, “reinvent” the political, “think” an alternative future, if we are to overcome the impasses we face today and which in (...) turn calls for the necessity of social creativity. Using this intuition as a guide, I develop an interpretation of Žižek's account of the externality of truth, the function of imagination in politics as the art of the impossible, and how both are needed to carve up the space for an authentic act. We will see that Žižek's sociopolitical writings are less of a solution than an attempt, by identifying the role of the militant with the empty position of the analyst, to cultivate a potential for an event opening. (shrink)

En este artículo busco repensar el concepto de transformación política con la ayuda de algunas sugerencias de la obra del filósofo Étienne Balibar. De acuerdo con esto, en primer lugar, señalo que la práctica política actualiza cierto carácter irreductible de la violencia en el interior de la coexistencia humana. En segunda instancia, argumento que dicha actualización tiene un desenvolvimiento ético que permite que las relaciones sociales estén atravesadas por la inminencia del conflicto político. Finalmente, muestro que la práctica política teje (...) unos criterios sensibles que conjuran la aparición de la extrema violencia en el mundo contemporáneo. (shrink)

The article addresses the notion of communism with a special angle of factuality and negativity, and not in the usual sense of a futurist utopia. After considering the main contemporary theories of communism in left-leaning political thought, the author turns to the Soviet experience of an “actually existing communism.” Apart from and against the bureaucratic state, a social reality existed organized around res nullius, that is, an unappropriated world that was not a collective property, as in the case of res (...) publica. The alienation from things and from the state resulted not only in the sense of oppression, but in a new culture of a paradoxical “communality”, where the “Other,” be it a thing or a person, appears rather as ground, not figure. This culture of a non-thematic gaze led to a formation of a communality as a given, and not as a utopian desideratum. I claim that this is a major difference between the current Western society and a post-Communist society. The former is more solidary and collectivist, but only consciously and deliberately so, operating from an individualist ontology, while the latter is individualist, but with an assumption of the “Other” as a pre-given fact. In this chiasmus, both “communisms” are problematic, so that an alternative model of individuation, rather than the atomization of an assumed collectivity, would be preferable. (shrink)

Hegel’s approach to ancient scepticism is often discussed only in the context of epistemological questions. But it is also of crucial importance for his practical philosophy. Hegel draws on central figures of Pyrrhonian scepticism in order to subject Kant’s antinomies – i. e., Kant’s cosmology – to a fundamental revision. He radicalises Kant’s sceptical method to “self-completing scepticism”. At the same time he gives Kant’s concept of the world a practical twist: In Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, world means an inhabited (...) sphere in which powers and counter-powers are in conflict with each other. In doing so, he opens up the tradition of negativist thinking in political philosophy, which ranges from Marx and Adorno to the current theories of radical democracy. When Hegel calls Pyrrhonian skepticism a “negative dialectic”, he thereby marks what he views as a deficit: the inferiority of Pyrrhonian skepticism to speculative philosophy. However, it is precisely the practical dimension of Hegel’s dialectic that suggests that the sceptical motives of his thinking should be given great weight. This can be seen most clearly in Hegel’s concept of Bildung, which defines emancipation processes as the reactivation of open power relations in static conditions of domination. (shrink)

During the Cold War and especially after the failure of Stalinism, Althusser tried to give a contribution to build up a new Marxism by the production of an original "theory of ideology". The result was the draft of a new political philosophy: the so-called "aleatory materialism" that is a philosophy of contingency (or a philosophy of the un-necessary). Using at the same time Machiavelli, Spinoza and Marx, Althusser proposed an explanation of the birth of society and State with reference neither (...) to the doctrine of natural law nor to contractualism. In the althusserian theory, the ideology (persuasion without constraint) is necessary in order to interpellate the individuals into subjects. But the ideology can fail because the class struggle is aleatory in its effects. So, beyond every kind of functionalism, a revolution is always possible starting from a deviation (clinamen), that may be the prelude of a structural yielding and so an occasion to transform the old structures or to construct something totally new. (shrink)

l presente artículo se propone explorar los procesos educativos a partir de la ontología y la teoría del sujeto de Alain Badiou. Para ello busca analizar las situaciones educativas ya no desde la figura del triángulo pedagógico, sino más bien partiendo de un encuentro de individuos con una doble caracterización: la “igualdad” y el “pensamiento”. De este modo, incorpora al análisis educativo experiencias alternativas a la educación institucionalizada, como el caso de Joseph Jacotot abordado por Jacques Rancière. Asimismo, el artículo (...) pretende caracterizar el concepto de “sujeto” en la educación, a partir de una disrupción de los criterios distributivos asociados a las experiencias alternativas y a las críticas rancierianas respecto de los principios fundantes de la educación moderna. This paper proposes to explore the educational process from the Alain Badiou ontology and theory of the subject. To do so, aims to analyze the educational situations not from the pedagogical triangle figure, but rather on the bases of a meeting of individuals with dual characterization: “equality” and “thinking”. Thereby, incorporates alternative experiences to institutionalized education to the educational analysis, as the case of Jacotot, and the Jacques Rancière’s appropriation of it. Also, the article aims to characterize the concept of “subject” in education, from a disruption of distributional criteria associated to the alternative experiences and the Rancière’s critiques of the founding principles of modern education. (shrink)

This article is a reflection on Balibar's account of the concept of Gewalt in Marx, Engels and Marxism. The German term contains both the meanings of power and violence. At the centre of the analysis is the structural link between the notion of Gewalt and the capitalist mode of production and state-form. The problem is whether Gewalt can be understood in relation to the actions of the working class. Balibar rightly refuses any sort of counter-politics of power set against the (...) power of the state which would retain the same overall logic as the latter. However, the question is how such a critique of the ahistorical ontology of violence can interact with Marx's idea of capital as a constitutively violent entity which threatens to subordinate to itself any stance of non-violence. (shrink)

In this article, we try to show how language expansion, language strategies, etc. are envisaged in various theories of (economic) imperialism. In order to establish this, we turn to economic interpretations of imperialism, namely Hobson and Lenin, world-system analysis (Wallerstein, Amin, Arrighi) and the Empire theory of Hardt and Negri. By studying them, we singled out the key characteristics of imperialism that are found in most (economic) theories of imperialism, namely: (1) the creation of market relations (and the market in (...) general) between the metropolis/core/imperial country and the colony/periphery/subjugated territory, (2) the presence of an advantage in this relations for the metropolis/core/imperial country, which is most often described as a monopoly position, (3) finally, often, but not always, the economic exploitation of the conquered territories is stated. We note that the market is (in particular) a communicative phenomenon, which at least involves the possibility of understanding between the buyer and the seller; thus, language appears as a condition that enables exchange and even consumption. We demonstrate that the popularization and expansion of the language also means the imposition of competition; therefore, capital competition should automatically imply language competition, and the intertwining of markets also the "intertwining" of languages (and vice versa). Using the example of the Commonwealth, we show how language is capable of forming spheres of influence and the centre of gravity of capital. With reference to Rancière, we note that lingua franca projects are capable of both inclusion in the economic system (regions, countries, etc.) and exclusion from it (poor stratas). Finally, we draw attention to the fact that language is capable of acting as cultural capital in Bourdieu's understanding, and therefore capable of being converted into economic capital. (shrink)

La gestión de la movilidad/circulación de la población es una cuestión de biopolítica que implica la producción jerárquica y desigual de las condiciones de dicha movilidad. En esta distribución desigual no solo se ordenan los espacios sino también los tiempos, ritmo y velocidad, de ahí que se pueda hablar de una cronopolítica asociada a la gestión política de la movilidad. Este aspecto del tema que nos ocupa, pese a su relevancia, no ha sido objeto de un estudio exhaustivo y detallado. (...) El objetivo de este artículo es, precisamente, abordar la dimensión temporal de la gestión política de la movilidad desde el análisis y la reflexión teórica. Para ello, partiremos de la relación entre la gestión de la movilidad y la expropiación del tiempo, entendida como forma de dominación, para centrarnos seguidamente en una forma específica de dicha relación: la inmovilidad impuesta como desaceleración o espera crónica. (shrink)

Ovaj clanak se bavi znacenjem zivota, i mogucnostima ukljucivanja zivota u okvire politicke filozofije. Postoje dva odgovora na ovo pitanje. Prvi odgovor se vezuje za H. Arent, a drugi za M. Fukoa koji je skicirao genezu biopolitike, to jest, razlicitih mehanizama optimalizacije kapaciteta zivota pocev od "klasicne epohe". Autor clanka posredstvom kriticke interpretacije H. Arent i Fukoa tvrdi da postoji opravdanost istovremenog tretiranja biomoci i suvereniteta. Time on namerava da zadobije perspektivu u odnosu na suverenitet koji tretira kao neizostavan u (...) artikulaciji politickih odnosa sto znaci drugacije u odnosu na pristupe H. Arent i M. Fukoa. Istovremeno autor clanka kritikuje koncept biopolitike smatrajuci da on dovodi do depolitizacije tela i zivota, cime se, delimicno, prihvataju odredjena upozorenja H. Arent. Politickoj filozofiji zapravo se pripisuje zadatak da tretira biomoc i suverenitet kao ireducibilne, ali i komplementarne okvire kao i da tretira njihov dinamicki medjuodnos. Tek ukoliko istovremeno tematizujemo suverenitet i biomoc dobijamo sliku o dinamici modernih politickih odnosa u Evropi. (shrink)

The present article revolves around the notion of universality and its relation to freedom and temporal orientation in contemporary political thought, with a focus on Susan Buck-Morss' notion of universality. The purpose is twofold. Firstly, I discern and critique the historico-political premises of her approach. Secondly, I suggest an alternative historico-political approach to universality addressing the drawbacks of her approach. I present three objections to her approach. Drawing on Arendt's distinction between liberation and the practice of freedom, I first present (...) a critique of the conceptualisation of freedom on which Buck-Morss' approach hinges, arguing that she overemphasises the moment of liberation. Thereafter, I turn to her reflections on historical orientation. My third objection concentrates on Buck-Morss' concept of universality. As a heuristic tool to expound on my critique, I activate the distinction between fictive and ideal universality as suggested by Étienne Balibar. I contend that Arendt's distinction between liberation and the practice of freedom efficiently elucidates the questions at stake in Balibar's discussion, as well as how his distinction points to the limits of Buck-Morss' argumentation. Ultimately, I contend that these critical remarks open up for a more dialectical approach to universality as a historical-political problem. (shrink)

Among the theoretical foundations of Transformative Learning, two closely linked issues are to be revisited in a critical way: On one hand, the notion of dialogue in a space of discussion, inspired by the Habermas›s notion of public space and, on the other hand, the limits of rationality in the discursive activities. Which new light on the theoretical foundations of the construct of transformative learning (TL) can throw the works of some authors, which approached the question of dialogue in the (...) fields of the political philosophy and the philosophy of language? Which consequences to hold for the practice of Transformative Learning? (shrink)

This paper analyzes the relations between public space, language, and democracy. It describes how dissensus, democratic citizenship, domination, and political speech are linked together in contemporary French political philosophy, referring in particular to Jacques Rancière, Miguel Abensour, Alain Badiou and Claude Lefort. Hannah Arendt's political thought represents a theoretical frame or reference for most of these authors, who relate to her work in different, and often discrepant, ways.

This article seeks to problematise the opposition between democracy and republic that is at the foundation of political philosophy. Following this horizon, firstly, it explores the reason that allows political thought, on the one hand, to recognise the merit of democracy as the founding act of a republic, but, on the other, to ignore its role within already founded political bodies. Secondly, and with the help of Louis Althusser’s perspective, it is suggested that this ambiguous and paradoxical role of democracy (...) can be interpreted from a mystifying way of understanding ideology that is present in the most hegemonic political philosophies. Finally, it is proposed to approach the relationship between democracy and the body politic from Althusser’s reading of Machiavelli in his text Machiavelli and Us. (shrink)

Giorgio Colli ha sido uno de los autores contemporáneos que más han contribuido a revisar la figura de Apolo, entendiéndola como una potencia expresiva vinculada tanto a los designios asociados a su arco como a los coligados a su lira. Una ambigüedad expresiva que examinamos en este artículo y que, veremos, articulará simbólicamente la reforma histórica que Colli detectará en el paso de la sabiduría oral a la filosofía griega escrita, pero también la que se producirá entre una ontología-política arcaica (...) de ámbito contingente y una politeia, ya clásica, ligada a la necesidad, y de carácter retórico, estetizado y comunicativo. (shrink)