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Terrorism without intention

Ethics 114 (4):752-771 (2004)

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  1. Patti Tamara Lenard: How Should Democracies Fight Terrorism?: Polity Press, 2020, 140 pp, ISBN 9781509540754. [REVIEW]Alexander Bryan - 2021 - Res Publica 27 (4):681-685.
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  • Technology as Terrorism: Police Control Technologies and Drone Warfare.Jessica Wolfendale - 2021 - In Scott Robbins, Alastair Reed, Seamus Miller & Adam Henschke (eds.), Counter-Terrorism, Ethics, and Technology: Emerging Challenges At The Frontiers Of Counter-Terrorism,. Springer. pp. 1-21.
    Debates about terrorism and technology often focus on the potential uses of technology by non-state terrorist actors and by states as forms of counterterrorism. Yet, little has been written about how technology shapes how we think about terrorism. In this chapter I argue that technology, and the language we use to talk about technology, constrains and shapes our understanding of the nature, scope, and impact of terrorism, particularly in relation to state terrorism. After exploring the ways in which technology shapes (...)
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  • Globalization, Terrorism, and Morality: A Critique of Jean Baudrillard.Meutia Irina Mukhlis & Naupal - forthcoming - Intellectual Discourse:89-108.
    This paper challenges the claim, made by French sociologist andphilosopher, Jean Baudrillard in The Spirit of Terrorism, that contemporary“Islamic” terrorism as exemplified by the 9/11 attacks in the United States isa phenomenon that defies morality. By considering alternative explanationsand applying a thought experiment, we find that Baudrillard’s claim shouldbe rejected because it is based on invalid premises and inconsistencies.The problematic premises include Baudrillard’s statements that terror is aneffective strategy and the only means available to marginalized group seekingto oppose Western globalization. (...)
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  • Who Owes What to War Refugees.Jennifer Kling - 2016 - Journal of Global Ethics 12 (3):327-346.
    The suffering of war refugees is often regarded as a wrong-less harm. Although war refugees have been made worse off in severe ways, they have not been wronged, because no one intentionally caused their suffering. In military parlance, war refugees are collateral damage. As such, nothing is owed to them as a matter of justice, because their suffering is not the result of intentional wrongdoing; rather, it is the regrettable and unintended result of necessary and proportionate wartime actions. So, while (...)
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  • Impure Agency and the Just War.Rosemary B. Kellison - 2015 - Journal of Religious Ethics 43 (2):317-341.
    Feminist critiques of intention challenge some aspects of traditional just war reasoning, including the criteria of right intention and discrimination. I take note of these challenges and propose some directions just war reasoners might take in response. First, right intention can be evaluated more accurately by judging what actors in war actually do than by attempting to uncover inward dispositions. Assessing whether agents in war have taken due care to minimize foreseeable collateral damage, avoided intentional targeting of noncombatants, corrected previous (...)
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  • Education for Some.David Pasick - 2011 - Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 21 (2):56-69.
    As an adherent to the U.N.’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United States has made a commitment to social justice. As a part of this commitment, the U.S. maintains that the right to an education is both innate and compulsory. This paper addresses U.S. government’s failure to uphold its citizens’ educational rights, made clear by the inadequacy of the educational programs currently offered to juvenile offenders. Based on the findings of recent scholarly literature, this paper argues that both juvenile (...)
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  • Unintentional Terrorism? An Objection to David Rodin's 'Terrorism without Intention'.Stephen N. Woodside - 2013 - Journal of Military Ethics 12 (3):252-262.
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  • Collateral Damage and the Principle of Due Care.Anne Schwenkenbecher - 2014 - Journal of Military Ethics 13 (1):94-105.
    This article focuses on the ethical implications of so-called ‘collateral damage’. It develops a moral typology of collateral harm to innocents, which occurs as a side effect of military or quasi-military action. Distinguishing between accidental and incidental collateral damage, it introduces four categories of such damage: negligent, oblivious, knowing and reckless collateral damage. Objecting mainstream versions of the doctrine of double effect, the article argues that in order for any collateral damage to be morally permissible, violent agents must comply with (...)
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  • Double effect, double intention, and asymmetric warfare.Steven Lee - 2004 - Journal of Military Ethics 3 (3):233-251.
    Modern warfare cannot be conducted without civilians being killed. In order to reconcile this fact with the principle of discrimination in just war theory, the principle is applied through the doctrine of double effect. But this doctrine is morally inadequate because it is too permissive regarding the risk to civilians. For this reason, Michael Walzer has suggested that the doctrine be supplemented with what he calls the idea of double intention: combatants are not only to refrain from intending to harm (...)
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  • Self-defense, innocent aggressors, and the duty of martyrdom.Whitley Kaufman - 2010 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 91 (1):78-96.
    On the traditional doctrine of self-defense, defensive force is permissible not only against Culpable Aggressors but against Innocent Aggressors as well (for example, psychotic aggressors). Some moral philosophers have recently challenged this view, arguing that one may not harm innocent attackers because morality requires culpability as an essential condition of being liable to defensive force. This essay examines and rejects this challenge as both a violation of common sense and as insufficiently grounded in convincing reasons from moral theory.
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  • Jus Ad Bellum after 9/11: A State of the Art Report.Mark Rigstad - 2007 - International Political Theory Beacon.
    An examination of the applicability of conventional and revisionist just war principles to the global war on terror.
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  • Is Terrorism Morally Distinctive?Samuel Scheffler - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):1-17.
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  • (2 other versions)The ethics of killing in war.Jeff McMahan - 2004 - Ethics 114 (4):693-733.
    The traditional theory of the just war comprises two sets of principles, one governing the resort to war ( jus ad bellum) and the other governing the conduct of war ( jus in bello). The two sets of principles are regarded, in Michael Walzer’s words, as “logically independent. It is perfectly possible for a just war to be fought unjustly and for an unjust war to be fought in strict accordance with the rules.”1 Let us say that those who fight (...)
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  • Assuming Risk: A Critical Analysis of a Soldier's Duty to Prevent Collateral Casualties.Cheryl Abbate - 2014 - Journal of Military Ethics 13 (1):70-93.
    Recent discussions in the just war literature suggest that soldiers have a duty to assume certain risks in order to protect the lives of all innocent civilians. I challenge this principle of risk by arguing that it is justified neither as a principle that guides the conduct of combat soldiers, nor as a principle that guides commanders in the US military. I demonstrate that the principle of risk fails on the first account because it requires soldiers both to violate their (...)
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  • Domestic Abuse as Terrorism.Jay Sloan-Lynch - 2012 - Hypatia 27 (4):774-790.
    A number of philosophers and feminist authors have recently equated domestic abuse with the ubiquitous and ill-defined concept of “terrorism.” Claudia Card, for instance, argues that domestic abuse is a frequently ignored form of terrorism that creates and maintains “heterosexual male dominance and female dependence and service”. Alison Jaggar, in a recent article, also concludes that an acceptable definition of terrorism will find rape and domestic violence to be terrorist acts. Yet there seem to be several obstacles to any simple (...)
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  • Terrorism, Supreme Emergency and Killing the Innocent.Anne Schwenkenbecher - 2009 - Perspectives - The Review of International Affairs 17 (1):105-126.
    Terrorist violence is often condemned for targeting innocents or non-combatants. There are two objections to this line of argument. First, one may doubt that terrorism is necessarily directed against innocents or non-combatants. However, I will focus on the second objection, according to which there may be exceptions from the prohibition against killing the innocent. In my article I will elaborate whether lethal terrorism against innocents can be justified in a supreme emergency. Starting from a critique of Michael Walzer’s account of (...)
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  • On the concept of terrorism.Willem Schinkel - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (2):176-198.
    Many contemporary conceptualizations of terrorism inadvertently reify political conceptions of terrorism. Mainly because they in the end rely on the intentions of terrorists in defining ‘terrorism’, the process of terrorism, which involves an unfolding dialectic of actions and reactions, is omitted from researchers’ focus. Thus, terrorism becomes simplified to intentional actions by terrorists, and this short-cutting of the causal chain of the process of terrorism facilitates both a political ‘negation of history’ and a ‘rhetoric of response’. In this paper, I (...)
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  • Defining Terrorism for Public Policy Purposes: The Group-Target Definition.Eric Reitan - 2010 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 7 (2):253-278.
    For the sake of developing and evaluating public policy decisions aimed at combating terrorism, we need a precise public definition of terrorism that distinguishes terrorism from other forms of violence. Ordinary usage does not provide a basis for such a definition, and so it must be stipulative. I propose essentially pragmatic criteria for developing such a stipulative public definition. After noting that definitions previously proposed in the philosophical literature are inadequate based on these criteria, I propose an alternative, which I (...)
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  • The Terror of Maximum Pressure Sanctions.Mehrzad Ali Moin - 2024 - Public Affairs Quarterly 38 (4):293-314.
    Economic sanctions are often portrayed as peaceful alternatives to traditional warfare and have been distinguished from uses of force. This has the unfortunate effect of distracting us from the impact and nature of so-called maximum pressure sanction campaigns. This paper argues against this distinction by examining maximum pressure sanctions under several definitions of terrorism. Using the sanctions program against Iran as a case study, I begin with a consideration of the impact that sanctions have on ordinary citizens. Next, I weigh (...)
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  • Deterrence and Self-Defence.Nadine Elzein - 2021 - The Monist 104 (4):526-539.
    Measures aimed at general deterrence are often thought to be problematic on the basis that they violate the Kantian prohibition against sacrificing the interests of some as a means of securing a greater good. But even if this looks like a weak objection because deterrence can be justified as a form of societal self-defence, such measures may be regarded as problematic for another reason: Harming in self-defence is only justified when it’s necessary, i.e., when there are no relatively harmless alternatives. (...)
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  • The Saint, the Criminal and the Terrorist: Towards a Hypothesis on Terrorism.S. N. Balagangadhara & Jakob De Roover - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):1-15.
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  • Who Should Die? The Ethics of Killing in War.Ryan Jenkins & Bradley Strawser (eds.) - 2017 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    This volume collects influential and groundbreaking philosophical work on killing in war. A " of contemporary scholars, this volume serves as a convenient and authoritative collection uniquely suited for university-level teaching and as a reference for ethicists, policymakers, stakeholders, and any student of the morality of war.
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  • The senses of terrorism.Mark Rigstad - 2008 - Review Journal of Political Philosophy 6:1-36.
    This articles exposes the methodological errors involved in attempting to operationalize or value-neutralize the concept of 'terrorism.' It defends, instead, an effects-based approach to the taxonomy of 'terrorism' that builds out from a central conceptual connection between the term's negative connotation and a widely shared moral presumption against the killing of innocent non-combatants. Although this approach to the core meaning of 'terrorism' is far from value-neutral, it has a number of virtues to recommend it. First, it has the political virtue (...)
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