This article builds on existing feminist literature on obstetric violence in the context of childbirth to argue that there is a continuum of obstetric violence that also includes that perpetuated in relation to pregnancy prevention and termination, as well as antenatal healthcare and birth. This structural violence is highlighted in relation to conscientious objection, the reporting of people suspected of illegal abortions by their healthcare providers, and contraceptive coercion. Recognizing the limitations of criminal and human rights approaches to obstetric violence, (...) this article takes Martha Fineman’s vulnerability theory as the foundation for the transformative structural change of healthcare institutions. (shrink)

Providers are essential to the delivery of abortion care. Yet, they often occupy an ambiguous space in political discourse around abortion. The introduction of a new abortion service in Ireland invites us to look afresh at providers. Since the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 came into force, by far the most common form of abortion care has been early medical abortion (EMA). This is typically provided by General Practitioners (GPs), with approximately 10% of GPs having chosen to (...) provide EMA. This article draws on an empirical study of providers to investigate their motivations for, and experiences of, provision and their views on colleagues who have not chosen to provide. The study shows that for many providers, the choice to provide was grounded in a moral commitment to protecting women’s rights to autonomy and health and ensuring that the harms of the past were not repeated. The article argues that notwithstanding increased normalisation of EMA in Ireland, conscience still has a role to play in abortion care provision and it is important to reflect on the various aspects of this role. (shrink)

In Great Britain, abortion has long proven to be contentious in the context of policy making, with it remaining a criminal offence. Despite progress over the last decade to permit home use of abortion medications and remote consultation, we have seen prosecutions in recent years. Regulatory frameworks such as this have been framed as ‘abortion exceptionalism’, such that termination of pregnancy is far more tightly regulated than comparable healthcare. One example of this exceptionalism is the strict abortion reporting requirements found (...) in Great Britain. Per these requirements, any doctor providing abortion care must notify the relevant Chief Medical Officer or Public Health Scotland of each and every termination, including a startling amount of information about the patient. The extent of these requirements raises serious questions in relation to patient confidentiality and is, I suggest, an outlier in these terms. Further, it is questionable whether such reporting can be in any way said to be in the public interest. I begin by outlining the Abortion Regulations 1991, which apply in England and Wales, before considering the updated Scottish approach brought about by the Abortion (Scotland) Amendment Regulations 2021. I then move to examine the abortion reporting requirements against our general conception of patient confidentiality, highlighting the discordance. I ultimately argue that the requirements are not adequately justified and represent yet another, often forgotten, example of abortion exceptionalism in Great Britain. Thus, I suggest that all three nations that comprise Great Britain ought to further revise their approach to abortion data. (shrink)