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  1. Justice, Symmetry, and Voting Rights Ceilings.Alexandru Volacu - 2021 - Theoria 87 (3):643-658.
    In this article I aim to offer a first critical assessment of the most prominent arguments in favour of restricting the voting rights of senior citizens. The first argument discussed, most thoroughly articulated by van Parijs, maintains that intergenerational justice would be improved under schemes which restrict the voting rights of senior citizens, thereby diminishing their overall electoral weight. The second argument, reconstructed from Lau's defence of child enfranchisement, maintains that the cognitive decline associated with the process of aging should (...)
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  • Why the voting age should be lowered to 16.Tommy Peto - 2018 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 17 (3):277-297.
    This article examines whether the voting age should be lowered to 16. The dominant view in the literature is that 16-year-olds in the United Kingdom are not politically mature enough to vote since they lack political knowledge, political interest and stable political preferences. I reject this conclusion and instead argue that the voting age should be lowered to 16. First, I look at Chan and Clayton’s empirical claims and show that these features of 16- and 17-year-olds are in fact created (...)
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  • Disenfranchisement and the Capacity / Equality Puzzle: Why Disenfranchise Children But Not Adults Living with Cognitive Disabilities?Attila Mráz - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (2):255-279.
    In this paper, I offer a solution to the Capacity/Equality Puzzle. The puzzle holds that an account of the franchise may adequately capture at most two of the following: (1) a political equality-based account of the franchise, (2) a capacity-based account of disenfranchising children, and (3) universal adult enfranchisement. To resolve the puzzle, I provide a complex liberal egalitarian justification of a moral requirement to disenfranchise children. I show that disenfranchising children is permitted by both the proper political liberal and (...)
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  • (1 other version)Fiduciary Representation and Deliberative Engagement with Children.Ethan J. Leib & David L. Ponet - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 20 (2):178-201.
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  • Does epistemic proceduralism justify the disenfranchisement of children?Jakob Hinze - 2019 - Journal of Global Ethics 15 (3):287-305.
    Most laypersons and political theorists endorse the claims that all adults should be enfranchised and all children should be disenfranchised. The first claim rejects epistocracy; the second...
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  • The status of child citizens.Timothy Fowler - 2014 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 13 (1):93-113.
    This paper considers the place of children within liberal-democratic society and its related political morality. The genesis of the paper is two considerations which are in tension with one another. First, that there must be some point at which children are divided from adults, with children denied the rights which go along with full membership of the liberal community. The justification for the difference in the statue between these two groups must be rooted in some notion of capacities, since these (...)
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  • (1 other version)Fiduciary Representation and Deliberative Engagement with Children.David L. Ponet Ethan J. Leib - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 20 (2):178-201.
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  • Against a Minimum Voting Age.Philip Cook - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (3):439-458.
    A minimum voting age is defended as the most effective and least disrespectful means of ensuring all members of an electorate are sufficiently competent to vote. Whilst it may be reasonable to require competency from voters, a minimum voting age should be rejected because its view of competence is unreasonably controversial, it is incapable of defining a clear threshold of sufficiency and an alternative test is available which treats children more respectfully. This alternative is a procedural test for minimum electoral (...)
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