This article explores three dimensions of the current state of gender equality in Serbia: public policy on gender equality, public opinion on gender equality and the context of Serbia’s accession to the EU. Using data from the recent public opinion survey of citizens’ attitudes towards gender equality, the authors address the following issues: harmonization of public policy on gender equality in Serbia with EU policies; differences between public policy on gender equality in Serbia and citizens’ preferences; convergences/divergences between citizens of (...) Serbia and EU citizens regarding gender equality. As Serbia’s policy of promoting gender equality in the last decade has been dominated by the political goal of accession to the EU, it shows where the opinions converge, and where there are certain differences. The authors show the complexity of ideological positions among average Serbian citizens, while highlighting different paradigms in the official public policy on gender equality. While Serbian citizens still do not place gender equality high on their political agenda, they are convinced that it has a certain value, which does provide some important pointers for the future. (shrink)

This article explores the dynamics and impact of the gender mainstreaming reform conducted within the European Social Fund in Poland in 2007–2013. It is based on qualitative interviews carried out with gender mainstreaming practitioners, both feminists and state administrators. The article examines factors enabling and hindering successful implementation of gender mainstreaming and discusses its potential positive spin-off effects. The analysed case suggests that civil servants’ strong professional ethics do facilitate progressive changes, whereas bureaucratic norms and non gender-specific values of particular (...) public policies eventually hinder the effectiveness of the strategy. However, gender mainstreaming reforms, even if limited in time and undertaken in a technocratic manner, may serve for feminists as a unique entry point to state institutions, and further allow for changes to public organizations’ gender regimes. Gender mainstreaming may lead to an increase in the number of feminist allies within public administrations and give more legitimization to feminists’ demands on the state. Thus, the strategy may produce a destabilizing impact on public administration gender regimes. (shrink)

This article sets out to assess the opportunities and risks for the advancement of gender equality in the European Union offered by the establishment of the European Institute for Gender Equality. It argues that the formal aims and objectives of the Institute mirror the wider political context today ; for the same reason, however, the Institute may be hard-pressed to fulfil those functions originally envisaged by a specific but broad range of actors in the field of equal opportunities. Whether or (...) not the Institute will be able to live up to the challenge will depend in large part on its ability to link with the gender studies research community and to forge critical political alliances with other strategic feminist actors. (shrink)

This article explores the extent to which a feminist reading of gender mainstreaming is incorporated in the EU political discourse by analysing how family policy and gender inequality in politics are framed in EU policy documents. Gender mainstreaming is treated as an open signifier that can be filled with both feminist and non-feminist content. The article provides a set of criteria to assess whether a feminist reading of gender mainstreaming has been adopted. The frame analysis of EU documents on family (...) policy and gender inequality in politics reveals but a partial adoption of a feminist understanding of gender mainstreaming and only in the area of gender inequality in politics. (shrink)

The article analyses Finland’s and Norway’s female politicians’ war rhetoric with reference to the war in Afghanistan and contrasts it with Laura Bush’s rhetoric and feminism. In the Nordic countries the strong liberal and equity tradition of feminism could open up spaces for thinking differently about war, and yet the co-optation of hegemonic war rhetoric occurs in several ways. The ideograph ‘women-and-children’ is often evoked and added to the hegemonic foreign policy rhetoric without questioning the actual rhetorical work it does. (...) Gender-neutral rhetoric is used to hail into being a collective and unitary western do-gooder identity and to distance Nordic involvement from the US ‘war on terror’. The panegyric of UN Resolution 1325 facilitates the metamorphosis of the militaristic and masculine US-led NATO into a collective peacekeeper capable of saving ‘brown women from brown men’. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to incorporate trans?national actors and institutions into citizenship theory both theoretically and empirically. We analyze three cases of recognition movements promoting gender, ethnic/minority and indigenous rights. Using one societal context, Sweden, we map the processes and mechanisms of power and agency (boundary?making and brokering) that shape how trans?national institutions and actors offer new forms of leverage politics to recognition movements as well as constrain their agency. These mechanisms of power are formalized in a model (...) showing the multi?level effects of leverage politics on recognition movements. Our three cases of recognition politics demonstrate the increasingly complex links between actors in policy communities across regional, national, European and international levels. They also reveal the processes implicit in our model: that policy imports are reframed when translated into specific national political cultures; and more broadly, that national citizenship frames of membership and inclusion are not easily dislodged. (shrink)