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The Duty to Protect

In Terry Nardin & Melissa Williams (eds.), Humanitarian Intervention. New York University Press (2006)

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  1. Humanitarian Intervention and Historical Responsibility.Fredrik D. Hjorthen & Göran Duus-Otterström - 2016 - Journal of Global Ethics 12 (2):187-203.
    ABSTRACTSome suggest that the duty of humanitarian intervention should be discharged by states that are historically responsible for the occurrence of violence. A fundamental problem with this suggestion is that historically responsible states might be ill-suited to intervene because they are unlikely to enjoy support from the local population. Cécile Fabre has suggested a way around that problem, arguing that responsible states ought to pay for humanitarian interventions even though they ought not to take part in the military operations. We (...)
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  • L'intervention humanitaire peut-elle être conçue comme un «devoir parfait»?Stéphane Courtois - 2008 - Dialogue 47 (2):291-310.
    RÉSUMÉ: Cet article examine la thèse, soutenue récemment par Terry Nardin, Kok-Chor Tan et Carla Bagnoli, selon laquelle l'intervention humanitaire devrait être considérée, non plus comme un devoir imparfait, mais, les conditions de permissivité étant satisfaites, comme un devoir parfait, c'est-à-dire une obligation inconditionnelle réclamée par la justice. Après avoir exposé les raisons pour lesquelles il convient de supporter une teIle position, il met néanmoins en évidence certaines des difficultés qui s'y rattachent et tente de leur apporter des éléments de (...)
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  • Who Should Intervene?Fredrik Hjorthen - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (4):391-407.
    The objective of this paper is to develop a novel account of how the duty to undertake humanitarian intervention should be assigned to states. It takes as its point of departure two worries about the best existing answer to this question, namely: that it is insensitive to historical considerations, and that its distribution is unfair. Against this background I propose that the duty to intervene should be assigned to states based on the strength of their claim to reject the burden (...)
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  • Assessing the Responsibility to Protect’s Motivational Capacity: The Role of Humanity.Samuel Jarvis - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (1):107-124.
    While the concept of humanity is most often referred to as the moral source of the Responsibility to Protect’s motivational capacity, humanity’s normative status and value has continued to be left assumed and/or unexplored. Consequently, there remains a considerable lack of analysis into humanity’s role in supposedly helping to both locate moral harm and subsequently provide a motivational cause that can drive protection practices in support of the Responsibility to Protect principle. In response to this lacuna, this article puts forward (...)
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  • The Limits of Kant’s Cosmopolitanism: Theory, Practice, and the Crisis in Syria.Matthew C. Altman - 2017 - Kantian Review 22 (2):179-204.
    Although Kant defends a cosmopolitan ideal, his philosophy is problematically vague regarding how to achieve it, which lends support to the empty formalism charge. How Kant would respond to the crisis in Syria reveals that judgement plays too central a role, because Kantian principles lead to equally reasonable but opposite conclusions on how to weigh the duty of hospitality to refugees against a state’s duty to its own citizens, the right of prevention towards ISIS against the duty not to harm (...)
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  • Humanitarian Intervention and a Cosmopolitan UN Force.James Pattison - 2008 - Journal of International Political Theory 4 (1):126-145.
    The current mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention are inadequate. As the crisis in Darfur has highlighted, the international community lacks both the willingness to undertake humanitarian intervention and the ability to do so legitimately. This article considers a cosmopolitan solution to these problems: the creation of a standing army for the United Nations. There have been a number of proposals for such a force, including many recently. However, they contain two central flaws: the force proposed would be, firstly, too (...)
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  • Kant, International Law, and the Problem of Humanitarian Intervention.Antonio Franceschet - 2010 - Journal of International Political Theory 6 (1):1-22.
    International law has one principal mechanism for settling the legality of humanitarian interventions, the United Nations Security Council's power to authorise coercion. However, this is hardly satisfactory in practice and has failed to provide a more secure juridical basis for determining significant conflicts among states over when humanitarian force is justified. This article argues that, in spite of Immanuel Kant's limited analysis of intervention, and his silence on humanitarian intervention, his political theory provides the elements of a compelling analysis on (...)
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  • Is There a Duty to Militarily Intervene to Stop a Genocide?Uwe Steinhoff - forthcoming - In Christian Neuhäuser & Christoph Schuck (eds.), Military Interventions: Considerations from Philosophy and Political Science.
    Is there is a moral obligation to militarily intervene in another state to stop a genocide from happening (if this can be done with proportionate force)? My answer is that under exceptional circumstances a state or even a non-state actor might have a duty to stop a genocide (for example if these actors have promised to do so), but under most circumstances there is no such obligation. To wit, “humanity,” states, collectives, and individuals do not have an obligation to make (...)
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  • Consistency in the Armed Enforcement of Human Rights: A Moral Necessity?Ned Dobos - 2011 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 8 (1):92-109.
    There is no denying that international human rights norms are enforced selectively. Some oppressive governments become the targets of military intervention, while the political sovereignty of other, equally oppressive regimes is left intact. My aim in this paper is to determine whether a military operation to defend human rights can possibly be made morally illegitimate by the fact that the state prosecuting it has failed, is failing or will fail to defend human rights under relevantly similar circumstances elsewhere.
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  • The Duty to Bring Children Living in Conflict Zones to a Safe Haven.Gottfried Schweiger - 2016 - Journal of Global Ethics 12 (3):380-397.
    In this paper, I will discuss a children’s rights-based argument for the duty of states, as a joint effort, to establish an effective program to help bring children out of conflict zones, such as parts of Syria, and to a safe haven. Children are among the most vulnerable subjects in violent conflicts who suffer greatly and have their human rights brutally violated as a consequence. Furthermore, children are also a group whose capacities to protect themselves are very limited, while their (...)
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  • Humanitäre Intervention - eine supererogatorische Praxis?Dieter Witschen - 2017 - Zeitschrift Für Praktische Philosophie 4 (2):169-190.
    Ob eine militärische humanitäre Intervention als Nothilfe für die Opfer von Menschenrechtsverbrechen sogar eine supererogatorische Praxis sein kann, diese Frage wird in der angewandten Ethik selten erörtert. Mit ihr kommen die intervenierenden Soldaten in den Blick, die bei ihrem Einsatz unter extraordinären Umständen gravierende Risiken und Belastungen auf sich nehmen. Da eine supererogatorische Handlungsweise mehrere Kriterien wie u.a. die des Supraobligatorischen, der Freiwilligkeit, einer uneigennützigen Motivation, der Verantwortbarkeit kumulativ zu erfüllen hat, ist deren Einzelprüfung vorzunehmen, um zu einem Gesamturteil kommen (...)
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