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  1. Between Good and Evil: Xunzi’s Reinterpretation of the Hegemonic Rule as Decent Governance.Sungmoon Kim - 2013 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 12 (1):73-92.
    This essay investigates Xunzi’s political philosophy of ba dao (Hegemonic Rule). It argues that Xunzi’s practical philosophy of ba dao was developed in the course of resolving the tension between theory and practice latent in Mencius’s account of ba dao . Its central claim is that contra Mencius who remained torn between his ideal political theory of ba dao and the practical utility and moral value of ba dao , Xunzi creatively re-appropriated ba dao as a “morally decent” (if not (...)
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  • Dai Zhen on Human Nature and Moral Cultivation.Justin Tiwald - 2010 - In John Makeham (ed.), Dao Companion to Neo-Confucian Philosophy. New York: Springer. pp. 399--422.
    An overview of Dai's ethics, highlighting some overlooked or misunderstood theses on moral deliberation and motivation.
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  • Lü Zuqian's Political Philosophy.Kai Marchal - 2010 - In John Makeham (ed.), Dao Companion to Neo-Confucian Philosophy. New York: Springer. pp. 197--222.
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  • Historical materialism in medieval China: The cases of Liu Zongyuan (773-819) and Li Gou (1009-1059).Dawid Rogacz - 2021 - Asian Philosophy 31 (4):385-401.
    It is commonly assumed that historical materialism was first developed by Karl Marx, whose philosophy is often equated with this idea. The following paper challenges this opinion by showing that historical materialism, understood as a general position within the philosophy of history, can be traced back to two generally unheralded Chinese thinkers: Liu Zongyuan (773–819) and Li Gou (1009–1059). Historical materialism is here understood as a standpoint built on three tenets: (1) a belief in the dependence of culture on the (...)
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  • Trouble with korean confucianism: Scholar-official between ideal and reality.Kim Sungmoon - 2009 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 8 (1):29-48.
    This essay attempts a philosophical reflection of the Confucian ideal of “scholar-official” in Joseon Korea’s neo-Confucian context. It explores why this noble ideal of a Confucian public being had to suffer many moral-political problems in reality. It argues first that because the institution of Confucian scholar-official was actually a modus-operandi compromise between Confucianism and Legalism, the Confucian scholar-officials were torn between their ethical commitment to Confucianism and their political commitment to the state; and second, that because the Cheng-Zhu neo-Confucianism vigorously (...)
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  • Cosmogony as political philosophy.Youngmin Kim - 2008 - Philosophy East and West 58 (1):108-125.
    : This essay examines the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate and its shifting interpretations—those of Zhu Xi (1130–1200) and Wang Tingxiang (1474–1544) in particular—and by doing so explores the significance of ‘‘cosmogony’’ in the Confucian tradition and its significance for the change of political philosophy from the Song dynasty through the Ming. First, through a close reading of Zhu Xi’s commentaries on the Diagram, it is argued that they should be interpreted primarily as a statement of political philosophy rather than (...)
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  • The Confucian Canon’s Pivotal and Problematic Middle Era: Reflecting on the Northern Song Masters and Zhu Xi.Hui Yin & Hoyt Tillman - 2015 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 14 (1):95-105.
    Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 interpretations systematized the Five Classics; moreover, he elevated the “Four Books” to such a supra-canonical status that these texts along with his commentaries became the core curriculum for civil service examinations from the early 13th century to the 20th century. Inquiring into what was the essential and unique Song 宋 character of Classical scholarship, we will highlight the canonical Ritual Classics because these texts were crucial for centuries, especially during the Han 漢 through Tang 唐 dynasties. We (...)
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