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  1. Moral Compromise, Civic Friendship, and Political Reconciliation.Simon Căbulea May - 2011 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):581-602.
    Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their relationship (...)
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  • On the public use of practical reason. Loosening the grip of neo-kantianism.Jocelyn Maclure - 2006 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 32 (1):37-63.
    A number of phenomena have lent a new complexity to the long-standing challenge of constructing a legitimate and stable political order. I contend that both legitimacy and integration under contemporary conditions ultimately hinge upon a form of public practical reasoning that departs considerably from the ones proposed by John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas and several deliberative democrats. I argue that the generalizability test that constitutes the cornerstone of most contemporary neo-Kantian theories of public reason should be abandoned as a rule of (...)
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  • Dealing with Disagreement: Towards a Conception of Feasible Compromise.Friderike Spang - 2017 - Dissertation, University of Western Ontario
    The goal of this dissertation is to specify the feasibility conditions of compromise. More specifically, the goal of this dissertation is to specify the conditions of increasing the feasibility of compromise. The underlying assumption here is that feasibility is a scalar concept, meaning that a socio-political ideal can be feasible to different degrees (Lawford-Smith 2013). In order to specify the conditions of increasing the feasibility of compromise, it is necessary to first identify potential feasibility constraints. The main chapters of this (...)
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  • On the possibility of principled moral compromise.Daniel Weinstock - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (4):537-556.
    Simon May has argued that the notion of a principled compromise is incoherent. Reasons to compromise are always in his view strategic: though we think that the position we defend is still the right one, we compromise on this view in order to avoid the undesirable consequences that might flow from not compromising. I argue against May that there are indeed often principled reasons to compromise, and that these reasons are in fact multiple. First, compromises evince respect for persons that (...)
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  • Reciprocity in Firm–Stakeholder Dialog: Timeliness, Valence, Richness, and Topicality.Lite J. Nartey, Witold J. Henisz & Sinziana Dorobantu - 2023 - Journal of Business Ethics 183 (2):429-451.
    Scholars of stakeholder management have long grappled with the question of how to communicate with stakeholders to enhance cooperation and reduce conflict. We build on insights from the literature on stakeholder dialog to highlight the importance of four elements of firm–stakeholder dialog processes: timing, valence, richness, and topicality of firms’ responses to stakeholder engagements. We demonstrate a link between these elements of the firm–stakeholder dialog process and changes in stakeholder cooperation or conflict with the firm, as well as contingent tradeoffs (...)
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  • Compromise, pluralism, and deliberation.Daniel Weinstock - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (5):636-655.
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  • Trust, discretion and arbitrariness in democratic politics1.Patti Tamara Lenard - 2018 - Rivista di Estetica 68:83-104.
    Democratic institutions and practice depend on trust, in two ways. Citizens must trust each other to abide by shared rules and norms that together govern a political community; it is a feature of democratic states that they direct their resources not to enforcement of rule abidingness, but rather towards providing collective and public goods. Instead, states rely on the semi-voluntary compliance of citizens with these shared norms and laws. Citizens must also trust their political representatives, who via their election are (...)
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  • Beyond Altruism? Globalizing Democracy in the Age of Distrust.Neus Torbisco Casals - 2015 - The Monist 98 (4):457-474.
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  • A neutral conception of reasonableness?Daniel M. Weinstock - 2006 - Episteme 3 (3):234-247.
    Much liberal theorizing of the past twenty years has been built around a conception of neutrality and an accompanying virtue of reasonableness according to which citizens ought to be able to view public policy debates from a perspective detached from their comprehensive conceptions of the good. The view of “justifi catory neutrality” that emerges from this view is discussed and rejected as embodying controversial views about the relationship of individuals to their conceptions of the good. It is shown to be (...)
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