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Women and Social Protest

Oxford University Press USA (1990)

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  1. Women's Anti-Imperialism, “The White Man's Burden,” and the Philippine-American War: Theorizing Masculinist Ambivalence in Protest.Erin L. Murphy - 2009 - Gender and Society 23 (2):244-270.
    During the Philippine-American War, the Anti-Imperialist League was the organizational vanguard of an anti-imperialist movement. Research on this period of U.S. imperialism has focused on empire building, ignoring the gendered activity of anti-imperialists in the metropole. The author outlines the constitutive relationship between gendered structures and experience that informed anti-imperialists' “contentious politics,” using archival sources of the Anti-Imperialist League and anti-imperialist debates in newspapers. The author shows how anti-imperialist leaders informally included women's monetary donations, labor, networks, and reputations while formally (...)
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  • Protest engendered: The participation of women steelworkers in the wheeling-pittsburgh steel strike of 1985.Mary Margaret Fonow - 1998 - Gender and Society 12 (6):710-728.
    This article examines the participation of women in the 1985 labor strike at Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel. The author views the strike as a deeply gendered act of protest where the issues, strategies, tactics, and resources used by women workers differ from those used by men, and simultaneously, as the occupational site that provided workers an opportunity to affirm, to modify, and to contest their understandings of gender. Paradoxically, women both challenge and conform to normative gender scripts for protest. They resisted the (...)
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  • Community organizing or organizing community?: Gender and the crafts of empowerment.Randy Stoecker & Susan Stall - 1998 - Gender and Society 12 (6):729-756.
    This article looks at two strains of urban community organizing, distinguished by philosophy and often by gender, and influenced by the historical division of American society into public and private spheres. The authors compare the well-known Alinsky model, which focuses on communities organizing for power, and what they call the women-centered model, which focuses on organizing relationships to build community. These models are rooted in somewhat distinct traditions and vary along several dimensions, including conceptions of human nature and conflict, power (...)
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  • Feminist tactics and friendly fire in the irish women's movement.Judith Taylor - 1998 - Gender and Society 12 (6):674-691.
    This work considers current models for understanding tactical interaction among social movement actors and finds them insufficient for making sense of the tactical work required of the Irish women's movement. Analysis of Irish feminist efforts to expand reproductive freedom calls into question the idea that tactical innovations are solely responses to countermovements or state repression. In this case, feminist activists spent considerable energy avoiding co-optation by sympathetic men and class-based movements and competing with economic and nationalist dilemmas that capture the (...)
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  • Dissident Citizenship: Democratic Theory, Political Courage, and Activist Women.Holloway Sparks - 1997 - Hypatia 12 (4):74-110.
    In this essay, I argue that contemporary democratic theory gives insufficient attention to the important contributions dissenting citizens make to democratic life. Guided by the dissident practices of activist women, I develop a more expansive conception of citizenship that recognizes dissent and an ethic of political courage as vital elements of democratic participation. I illustrate how this perspective on citizenship recasts and reclaims women's courageous dissidence by reconsidering the well-known story of Rosa Parks.
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  • BECOMING A RACIST: Women in Contemporary Ku Klux Klan and Neo-Nazi Groups.Kathleen M. Blee - 1996 - Gender and Society 10 (6):680-702.
    This article examines how women members of contemporary U.S. racist groups reconcile the male-oriented agendas of organized racism with understandings of themselves and their gendered self-interests. Using life history narratives and in-depth interviews, the author examines how women racial activists construct self-understandings that fit agendas of the racist movement and how they reshape understandings of movement goals to fit their own beliefs and life experiences. This analysis situates the political actions of women racists in rational, if deplorable, understandings of self (...)
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  • Gender and social movements: Gender processes in women's self-help movements.Verta Taylor - 1999 - Gender and Society 13 (1):8-33.
    Mainstream theory and research in the field of social movements and political sociology has, by and large, ignored the influence of gender on social protest. A growing body of feminist research demonstrates that gender is an explanatory factor in the emergence, nature, and outcomes of all social movements, even those that do not evoke the language of gender conflict or explicitly embrace gender change. This article draws from a case study of the postpartum depression self-help movement to outline the relationship (...)
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  • Mobilizing Mothers for War: Cross-National Framing Strategies in Nicaragua’s Contra War.Lorraine Bayard de Volo - 2004 - Gender and Society 18 (6):715-734.
    Studies document that in wartime, states often employ maternal imagery and mobilize women as mothers.Yet we know relatively little about when and why states and their opposition do so. This study seeks to build theory for this phenomenon through frame analysis of the Nicaraguan Contra War. The author proposes that maternal framing, aimed at mothers as well as a broader national and international audience, benefits militaries in at least three ways: channeling maternal grievances, disseminating propaganda through “apolitical” mothers, and evoking (...)
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