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  1. Political existentiality in Carl Schmitt; reenchanting the political.Ben Van de Wall - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    Carl Schmitt described the political in existential terms. The political consists in the distinction between friend and enemy, a distinction between collectivities that are existentially different. This led Richard Wolin to label Schmitt a “political existentialist” whose work relies on a specific cultural and philosophical climate of “vitalism.” Consequently, Schmitt’s thought is treated as ideology by Wolin. Instead of focusing on Schmitt’s underlying ideological affinity with a particular cultural climate, this paper attempts to conceptualize the notion of “political existentiality” as (...)
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  • Liberalism and fear of violence.Bruce Buchan - 2001 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (3):27-48.
    Liberal political thought is underwritten by an enduring fear of civil and state violence. It is assumed within liberal thought that self?interest characterises relations between individuals in civil society, resulting in violence. In absolutist doctrines, such as Hobbes?, the pacification of private persons depended on the Sovereign's command of a monopoly of violence. Liberals, by contrast, sought to claim that the state itself must be pacified, its capacity for cruelty (e.g., torture) removed, its capacity for violence (e.g., war) reduced and (...)
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  • Ideology critique and the political: Towards a Schmittian perspective on ideology.Matthias Lievens - 2012 - Contemporary Political Theory 11 (4):381-396.
    The notion of ideology and its critique have taken a remarkable about-turn in recent decades. While in classical Marxism, ideology used to be understood in terms of a distorted representation of real social divisions, recent authors such as Claude Lefort and Ernesto Laclau have argued that there is no standpoint outside language or representation, and they consider those representations as ideological that remain blind to their own political effects. However, a dimension that was crucial in the classical Marxist tradition has (...)
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  • Existence and the communicatively competent self.Martin Beck Matus - 1999 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (3):93-120.
    Most readers of Habermas would not classify him as an existential thinker. The view of Habermas as a philosopher in German Idealist and Critical traditions from Kant to Hegel and Marx to the Frankfurt School prevails among Continental as much as among analytic philosophers. And the mainstream Anglo-American reception of his work and politics is shaped by the approaches of formal analysis rather than those of existential and social phenomenology or even current American pragmatism. One may argue that both these (...)
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  • Carl Schmitt y la corrosión del Estado de Derecho por la cultura totalitaria.Roberto Bueno - 2016 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 69:23-38.
    Este artículo se centra en la formación de la cultura totalitária en el siglo XX y en cómo ésta conecta con la crítica a la constitución democrática de nuestras sociedades occidentales. El artículo analiza las posibles conexiones de esta crítica con su representación teórica en la tradición política del fascismo y en el pensamiento político-jurídico de Carl Schmitt. El texto pretende desvelar cómo algunas de estas articulaciones repercutieron en los movimientos políticos autoritários, suficientemente fuertes para ensombrecer el Estado de Derecho (...)
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  • The Enlightenment Gone Mad (I): The Dismal Discourse Of Postmodernism's Grand Narratives.Rainer Friedrich - 2012 - Arion 19 (3):31-78.
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  • Self-Reference of the Constitutional State: A Systems Theory Interpretation of the Kelsen-Schmitt Debate.Jiří Přibáň - 2011 - Jurisprudence 2 (2):309-328.
    This article reinterprets the Kelsen-Schmitt debate in the context of social systems theory and rethinks its major concepts as part of legal and political self-reference and systemic differentiation. In Kelsen?s case, it is the exclusion of sovereignty from juridical logic that opens a way to the self-reference of positive law. Similarly, Schmitt constructed his concept of the political as a self-referential system of political operations protected from the social environment by the medium of power. The author argues that the process (...)
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  • The Hindenburg Line of the Strauss wars.William H. F. Altman - 2010 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 40 (1):118-153.
    Bringing continental sensibilities and skill to his project, David Janssens has abandoned the line of defense heretofore used by North American intellectuals to shield Leo Strauss from criticism: Janssens wastes no time trying to prove Strauss was a liberal democrat, frankly admits his atheism, and emphasizes the continuity and European origins of his thought. Nevertheless committed to defending Strauss even at his most vulnerable points, Janssens is compelled to anchor his new defensive position on a misreading of what he calls (...)
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  • Neo-fascist legal theory on trial: An interpretation of Carl Schmitt's defence at nuremberg from the perspective of Franz Neumann's critical theory of law.Michael Salter - 1999 - Res Publica 5 (2):161-193.
    This article addresses, from a Frankfurt School perspective on law identified with Franz Neumann and more recently Habermas, the attack upon the principles of war criminality formulated at the Nuremberg trials by the increasingly influential legal and political theory of Carl Schmitt. It also considers the contradictions within certain of the defence arguments that Schmitt himself resorted to when interrogated as a possible war crimes defendant at Nuremberg. The overall argument is that a distinctly internal, or “immanent”, form of critique (...)
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  • On the concept of Volk in Carl Schmitt.Roberto Orsi - 2023 - History of European Ideas 49 (4):692-707.
    Although Volk may be considered as a central concept in the work of Carl Schmitt, and one to which the German jurist dedicated a sizable amount of writing, a remarkably limited number of publications have so far provided an analytical study of how Schmitt conceptualised Volk, particularly in English-language secondary literature. This article intends to address this gap by systematically reviewing how the concept of Volk appears in the Schmitt’s theoretical effort, with a particular focus on his publications from the (...)
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  • The Alpine Limits of Jewish Thought: Leo Strauss, National Socialism, and Judentum ohne Gott.William Altman - 2009 - Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 17 (1):1-46.
    Writing in 1935 as "Hugo Fiala," Karl Löwith not only connected Martin Heidegger and Carl Schmitt to an apparently contentless "decisionism" but drew attention to the fact that his correspondent Leo Strauss had attacked Schmitt—like Heidegger an open Nazi since 1933— from the Right in 1932. In opposition to the views of Peter Eli Gordon, Heidegger's bellicose stance at the Davos Hochschule of 1929 is presented as "political" in Schmitt's sense of the term while Strauss's embrace of Heidegger, never regretted, (...)
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  • Albert Camus and Rebellious Cosmopolitanism in a Divided Worlda.Patrick Hayden - 2013 - Journal of International Political Theory 9 (2):194-219.
    Albert Camus's existential thinking has been the object of renewed interest over the past decade. Political theorists have looked to his work to shed light on the contradictions and violence of modernity and the dynamics of postcolonial justice. This article contends that Camus's account of the modern human condition provides a means of engaging critically with one of the most compelling ideas linked to thinking about global politics today: cosmopolitanism. By developing Camus's position on absurdity and rebellion, it suggests that (...)
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  • The Politics and Limits of the Self: Kierkegaard, Neoconservatism and International Political Theory.Brent J. Steele - 2013 - Journal of International Political Theory 9 (2):158-177.
    This article investigates how Soren Kierkegaard's work developed a key subject utilized in international political theory, and ascribed to particular international actors (including nation-states) — The Self. Kierkegaard's core insights on ‘dread’ and its functions, the need for individuals to will a purpose and, finally, the limits of the Self, I argue, provide a basis from which we can understand the anxieties — The insecurities — That attend to the work of and on a ‘Self’, including that (especially that) of (...)
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  • The Ontology of Political Decisionism, Negative Statecraft, and the Nigerian State: Exploring Moral Altruism in Politics.Ronald Olufemi Badru - 2011 - Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2011 (156):47-60.
    ExcerptI. Introduction The German political philosopher Carl Schmitt belongs to the class of political theorists, who maintain a tradition of separating the political from the moral.1 Drawing on the standard interpretation of Machiavelli2 and following the thinking of Hobbes,3 Schmitt makes two central claims that define his political theorization. The first claim is that the sovereign should possess “the monopoly to decide” what constitutes public order and security; the second claim is the use of the “friend-enemy” metaphor to characterize the (...)
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  • Individualism, the Total State and Race in the Views of Carl Schmitt.Eva Imbsweiler - unknown
    The jurist Carl Schmitt’s views on the total state and race need further clarification as long as the English language edition of his Concept of the Political presents an apologist commentary. The questions are to which degree Schmitt’s works written during the Weimar Republic are tainted with totalitarian and racist ideas and whether Schmitt gave up fundamental principles during Nationalist Socialism. This thesis examines writings by Schmitt between 1913 and 1940 to reconstruct a coherent anti-individualistic legal viewpoint and its arguments. (...)
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