While liberals see personal autonomy as paramount in civil society and as intrinsic to human dignity and human rights, others, such as communitarians, see group rights as intrinsic to human development and human welfare. Thus, while generally liberals give no or very little place in their thinking to right-bearing groups or collective entities, others see communities as conditions for self-fulfilment and individual freedom. This paper explores these two positions and argues that a cultural, pluralist, democratic society will be characterised by (...) a diversity of controversial moral positions at a range of levels. The paper offers discussion as a method of reconciling controversial moral positions, in general and in classrooms, in particular. (shrink)

In ihrer Theorie globaler Gerechtigkeit hat Iris Marion Young ein Modell von Verantwortung erarbeitet, das sich nicht vergangenheitsorientiert mit der Haftung Einzelner befasst, sondern mit der in sozialen Verbindungen geteilten Verantwortung, der es sich künftig zu stellen gelte. Dieses Modell hat allerdings einen Haken: Wenn diese Verantwortlichkeit schon aus dem Eingebundensein in soziale Strukturen erwächst, kann jede Einzelne sich damit aus der Affäre ziehen, dass sie zwar verantwortlich in, nicht aber für diese Strukturen ist. Wenn man den verschiedenen Verantwortungsmodellen unterschiedliche (...) Pflichten zuordnet, bleibt eine Frage offen: Gibt es eigentlich eine Pflicht, die geteilte Verantwortung auch zu übernehmen? Warum soll sich jemand verantwortlich erklären für die Effekte von Strukturen, die er sich gar nicht ausgesucht hat? An dieser Stelle bringt Thomas Nagels Idee politischer Verantwortung weiter: Nagel zufolge sind wir für politische Maßnahmen auch dann verantwortlich, wenn wir sie uns nicht im Einzelnen ausgesucht haben, solange sie in unserem Namen geschehen. Dieses Argument des liberalen Nationalismus lässt sich auf die globale politische Ökonomie übertragen: auch dort nämlich geschehen die meisten Dinge in unserem Namen. Da die Grammatik der „Verpflichtung“ in nationaler Politik und globaler politischer Ökonomie Parallelen aufweist, sollten wir auch in Letzterer unsere Verantwortung übernehmen. (shrink)

: This essay explores the value of oppositional, performative political action in the context of oppression, domination, and exclusionary political spheres. Rather than adopting Iris Marion Young's approach, Drexler turns to Hannah Arendt's theories of political action in order to emphasize the capacity of political action as action to intervene in and disrupt the constricting, politically devitalizing, necrophilic normalizations of proceduralism and routine, and thus to reorient the importance of contestatory action as enabling and enacting creativity, spontaneity, and resistance.

This essay explores the value of oppositional, performative political action in the context of oppression, domination, and exclusionary political spheres. Rather than adopting Iris Marion Young's approach, Drexler turns to Hannah Arendt's theories of political action in order to emphasize the capacity of political action as action to intervene in and disrupt the constricting, politically devitalizing, necrophilic normalizations of proceduralism and routine, and thus to reorient the importance of contestatory action as enabling and enacting creativity, spontaneity, and resistance.

This essay explores the value of oppositional, performative political action in the context of oppression, domination, and exclusionary political spheres. Rather than adopting Iris Marion Young's approach, Drexler turns to Hannah Arendt's theories of political action in order to emphasize the capacity of political action as action to intervene in and disrupt the constricting, politically devitalizing, necrophilic normalizations of proceduralism and routine, and thus to reorient the importance of contestatory action as enabling and enacting creativity, spontaneity, and resistance.

This paper clarifies why bias cannot be completely mitigated in Machine Learning (ML) and proposes an end-to-end methodology to translate the ethical principle of justice and fairness into the practice of ML development as an ongoing agreement with stakeholders. The pro-ethical iterative process presented in the paper aims to challenge asymmetric power dynamics in the fairness decision making within ML design and support ML development teams to identify, mitigate and monitor bias at each step of ML systems development. The process (...) also provides guidance on how to explain the always imperfect trade-offs in terms of bias to users. (shrink)

In my reply to Pogge's critique of Rawls's international relations theory, I will try to show two things: (1) that Pogge's account of the public criterion of domestic social justice endorsed by Rawls is a partial one and (2) that this leads him to wrongly postulate a significant asymmetry between Rawls's domestic and international theories of justice. In the end, I hope to show that the domestic and international accounts are characterized by a significant degree of symmetry ? that both (...) accounts are motivated by Rawls's fundamental concern with self-respect. In other words, a more expansive, complete account of the domestic public criterion of social justice necessarily leads us (contra Pogge) to affirm a significant degree of continuity between the domestic and international accounts. (shrink)