In Ways of Scope Taking. Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 311--347 (1997)
AbstractSection 1 provides a brief summary of the pair-list literature singling out some points that are particularly relevant for the coming discussion. -/- Section 2 shows that the dilemma of quantification versus domain restriction arises only in extensional complement interrogatives. In matrix questions and in intensional complements only universals support pairlist readings, whence the simplest domain restriction treatment suffices. Related data including conjunction, disjunction, and cumulative readings are discussed -/- Section 3 argues that in the case of extensional complements the domain restriction treatment is inadequate for at least two independent reasons. One has to do with the fact that not only upward monotonic quantifiers support pairlist readings, and the other with the derivation of apparent scope out readings. The reasoning is supplemented with some discussion of the semantic properties of layered quantifiers. The above will establish the need for quantification, so the question arises how the objections explicitly enlisted in the literature against quantification can be answered. Section 4 considers the de dicto reading of the quantifiers restriction, quanticational variability, and the absence of pairlist readings with whether questions, and argues that they need not militate against the quantificational analysis. -/- Section 5 summarizes the emergent proposal -/- Finally, section 6 discusses the significance of the above findings for the behavior of weak islands.
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