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  1. Neurobehavioral Correlates of Surprisal in Language Comprehension: A Neurocomputational Model.Harm Brouwer, Francesca Delogu, Noortje J. Venhuizen & Matthew W. Crocker - 2021 - Frontiers in Psychology 12.
    Expectation-based theories of language comprehension, in particular Surprisal Theory, go a long way in accounting for the behavioral correlates of word-by-word processing difficulty, such as reading times. An open question, however, is in which component of the Event-Related brain Potential signal Surprisal is reflected, and how these electrophysiological correlates relate to behavioral processing indices. Here, we address this question by instantiating an explicit neurocomputational model of incremental, word-by-word language comprehension that produces estimates of the N400 and the P600—the two most (...)
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  • A Neurocomputational Model of the N400 and the P600 in Language Processing.Harm Brouwer, Matthew W. Crocker, Noortje J. Venhuizen & John C. J. Hoeks - 2017 - Cognitive Science 41 (S6):1318-1352.
    Ten years ago, researchers using event-related brain potentials to study language comprehension were puzzled by what looked like a Semantic Illusion: Semantically anomalous, but structurally well-formed sentences did not affect the N400 component—traditionally taken to reflect semantic integration—but instead produced a P600 effect, which is generally linked to syntactic processing. This finding led to a considerable amount of debate, and a number of complex processing models have been proposed as an explanation. What these models have in common is that they (...)
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  • Single‐Stage Prediction Models Do Not Explain the Magnitude of Syntactic Disambiguation Difficulty.Marten van Schijndel & Tal Linzen - 2021 - Cognitive Science 45 (6):e12988.
    The disambiguation of a syntactically ambiguous sentence in favor of a less preferred parse can lead to slower reading at the disambiguation point. This phenomenon, referred to as a garden‐path effect, has motivated models in which readers initially maintain only a subset of the possible parses of the sentence, and subsequently require time‐consuming reanalysis to reconstruct a discarded parse. A more recent proposal argues that the garden‐path effect can be reduced to surprisal arising in a fully parallel parser: words consistent (...)
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  • Comprehenders model the nature of noise in the environment.Rachel Ryskin, Richard Futrell, Swathi Kiran & Edward Gibson - 2018 - Cognition 181 (C):141-150.
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  • The lexical nature of syntactic ambiguity resolution.Maryellen C. MacDonald, Neal J. Pearlmutter & Mark S. Seidenberg - 1994 - Psychological Review 101 (4):676-703.
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  • Lossy‐Context Surprisal: An Information‐Theoretic Model of Memory Effects in Sentence Processing.Richard Futrell, Edward Gibson & Roger P. Levy - 2020 - Cognitive Science 44 (3):e12814.
    A key component of research on human sentence processing is to characterize the processing difficulty associated with the comprehension of words in context. Models that explain and predict this difficulty can be broadly divided into two kinds, expectation‐based and memory‐based. In this work, we present a new model of incremental sentence processing difficulty that unifies and extends key features of both kinds of models. Our model, lossy‐context surprisal, holds that the processing difficulty at a word in context is proportional to (...)
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  • Tracking the Time Course of Word‐Frequency Effects in Auditory Word Recognition With Event‐Related Potentials.Sophie Dufour, Angèle Brunellière & Ulrich H. Frauenfelder - 2013 - Cognitive Science 37 (3):489-507.
    Although the word-frequency effect is one of the most established findings in spoken-word recognition, the precise processing locus of this effect is still a topic of debate. In this study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to track the time course of the word-frequency effect. In addition, the neighborhood density effect, which is known to reflect mechanisms involved in word identification, was also examined. The ERP data showed a clear frequency effect as early as 350 ms from word onset on the (...)
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