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Is bossnapping uncivil?

Raisons Politiques 1 (69):29-44 (2018)

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  1. The Virtue of Civility.Cheshire Calhoun - 2000 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 29 (3):251-275.
    I suggest that civility is the display of respect, tolerance, or considerateness. Social norms enable us to successfully display these basic moral attitudes, and social consensus sets the bounds of civility, i.e., what views and behaviors are not owed a civil response. Because tied to social norms, there is no guarantee that standards of civility will exempt us from civilly responding to what, from a socially critical moral point of view, is tolerable. I raise and addresses the question: How could (...)
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  • (1 other version)Virtue and Reason.John McDowell - 1979 - The Monist 62 (3):331-50.
    1. Presumably the point of, say, inculcating a moral outlook lies in a concern with how people live. It may seem that the very idea of a moral outlook makes room for, and requires, the existence of moral theory, conceived as a discipline which seeks to formulate acceptable principles of conduct. It is then natural to think of ethics as a branch of philosophy related to moral theory, so conceived, rather as the philosophy of science is related to science. On (...)
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  • (1 other version)Defining civil disobedience.Brian Smart - 1978 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 21 (1-4):249 – 269.
    Though all of the principal features of Rawls's definition of civil disobedience are in varying degrees unacceptable, one of these consists of the fertile but unargued suggestion that civil disobedience is a mode of address. The first half of the paper tests this by construing civil disobedience as a vehicle of non?natural meaning (but not necessarily of linguistic non?natural meaning) and so as operating the Gricean mechanism of a hierarchy of intentions and beliefs. This feature is absent from other definitions (...)
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  • Political disagreement, legitimacy, and civility.David Archard - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  • Why dialogue?Bruce Ackerman - 1989 - Journal of Philosophy 86 (1):5-22.
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  • (1 other version)Virtue and Reason.John McDowell - 1997 - In Roger Crisp & Michael Slote (eds.), Virtue Ethics. Oxford University Press.
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  • Violent Civil Disobedience and Willingness to Accept Punishment.Piero Moraro - 2007 - Essays in Philosophy 8 (2):270-283.
    It is still an open question whether or not Civil Disobedience (CD) has to be completely nonviolent. According to Rawls, “any interference with the civil liberties of others tend to obscure the civilly disobedient quality of one's act”. From this Rawls concludes that by no means can CD pose a threath to other individuals' rights. In this paper I challenge Rawls' view, arguing that CD can comprise some degree of violence without losing its “civil” value. However, I specify that violence (...)
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  • Looking forward to justice: Rawlsian civil disobedience and its non-Rawlsian lessons.Andrew Sabl - 2001 - Journal of Political Philosophy 9 (3):331–349.
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  • Civility and Civic Virtue in Contemporary America.Michael Walzer - 1974 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 41.
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  • Respecting Autonomy Through the Use of Force: the Case of Civil Disobedience.Piero Moraro - 2013 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 31 (1):63-76.
    Acts of civil disobedience, which imply the open violation of a legal directive, often result in the forceful imposition of a choice upon others (e.g. blockades). This is sometimes justifiable, within a democracy, in cases of ‘democratic deficit’, namely, when fundamental rights of an oppressed minority are at stake. In this article, I claim that the use of physical force, in a democracy, may also be justified by the rights of (at least some of) the very people upon whom force (...)
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